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6. Part the First - Saint Christopher

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6.1. Map of the Island of St. Kitts (1819)
6.2.
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6.3. Part the First, Saint Kitts

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The Ship Britannia anchored in Basseterre Roads, Saint Kitts on the morning of the 5th
February 1824, and I forwarded the following Letters to the Reverend (Wm.)William DavisDavis, William, Rev. and Mr.
Thomas TysonTyson, Thomas immediately after I had landed:-
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
Sir I beg to inform you
"that I have this day arrived here in the ships Britannia from England and should be obliged
"by an interview with you at your earliest convenience that we may confer on the subject of the Mr.
"Gordon's Interest in this island from whom I hold a power of Attorney. You will herewith
"receive a letter addressed to you by Messrs.Clayton Scott and Clayton on the subject of the arrears
"of Rent due from Mr. Thomas TysonTyson, Thomas to the (Exors)Executors of the late James Gordon (decd.)deceased I am Sir.
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
Sir I arrived here this day in the Ship
"Britannia from England, and beg to be favored with an interview with you at your earliest
"convenience that we may confer on the subject of your engagements with Mr. James Adam GordonGordon, James Adam
"and the (Exors)Executors of his late Father, by whom I am invested with the proper authority. I am
"Sir Yours &c.
Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas called on me in the course of the day and informed me that he had long since
delivered over the Estate at Frigate Bay belonging to Mr. Gordon to Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev. and that he
had settled all matters connected with that property with the Reverend Gentleman and referred
me to him for further information.
Not having received an answer from Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev. to my note of the 5th I addressed him
again on the 9th as follow:-
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
"Sir I addressed a Letter to you on the 5th: informing you
"of my arrival from England and requesting the favor of an interview with you on the subject
"of Mr. Gordon 's Interest in this Island. I have remained in Basseterre Roads since in the
"expectation of hearing from you, but my attention being required in an other quarter I
"trust that you will now favor me with an immediate reply. I have been in communication
"with Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas , and he has referred me to you on the subject of the arrears of Rent due to the
" (Exors)Executors of the late Mr. Gordon and his successor, but he informs me that he still retains possession
of the Ten Acres with a determination to support his claim to them: I am therefore
"under the necessity (in compliance with the positive Instruction I have received) of trying the
question
6.3.2.
6.3.3.
6.3.3.1.
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4

"question of eight by a legal process- I am Sir
On the following morning the 10th I received a note from Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev. to the following effect:
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
Sir your favor of the 5th I did not receive until the afternoon
of the 7th. I shall be very glad to have an interview with you but I am very Lame
"with Gout which will prevent my going to Town. I shall be happy if you will ride up here
"this morning. I am Sir
I lost no time in waiting on Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev. and
repeated to him the substance of Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas 's communication to me at which he not only expressed
his surprise but charged him with duplicity by leading me to suppose that any other
settlement had taken place between them than the mere resignation of the Estate without the
Ten Acres or payment of the Rent, and at the same time he endeavoured impress on my mind
that he had taken a large share of Interest and trouble in the affair & altho no material
benefit had as yet been derived it was to be attributed to the embarrassed circumstances of Mr.
TysonTyson, Thomas , which precluded any possibility of recovering the money due from him on account
of rent by using coersive measures. He however expressed his readiness to advise with
me and assist me in adopting that course which might upon consideration appear to promise
success- but he observed I fear it is a hopeless case. With respect to the Ten acres
he recapitulated the substance of his several communications to Mr. Gordon , and regarded
particularly the influence (as he thought) the Jury of View, who had decided in favor of
Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas , would have in a Court, in rejecting the evidence that might be brought on the
other side. I enquired of him the names of the persons composing the Jury, and as I
had suspected found them to be Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas's intimate friends and subsequently that Mr.
DavisDavis, William, Rev. was also on the spot and concurred in the prevailing opinion. Upon taking
leave of him he promised to speak to Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas seriously upon the matter, as also upon
the subject of the Rent due from him to the (Exors)Executors of the late Mr. Gordon as I perceive from
"this Letter (the Letter I had forwarded to him from the (Exors)Executors) he observed that those Gentlemen
"have not given you a power for its recovery. I accordingly left him, with no hope
that I should receive that assistance which he had promised- and on the same day
addressed a Letter to Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas to the following effect:-
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
"Sir, I this morning had an
"interview with Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev., and could not help expressing my surprise and disappointment at
"learning from that Gentleman that the amount of the arrangement which you assured
"me you had made with him respecting the arrears of Rent due from you to the (Exors)Executors of
"the late Mr. Gordon and his successor, was that you had shipped 5 (Hhds)hogsheads of Sugar
"as far back as August 1821 and that you had promised other shipments towards the
"liquidation of the debt repeatedly since the period:- I was aware of all this before
"my arrival, and am sorry I have not been more successful in obtaining your confidence
"on this subject and for the unnecessary delay that has taken place.. The whole of
"the correspondence relating to the property as far back as 1773 (when it was Rented by
Mr. Matthews whose Lease with that of the late John TysonTyson, John particularly identifies the Ten
"Acres in question) up to the present time with other conclusive documents have been
5
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6.3.1.
Note: letter continue
"placed in my hands, but as I have no other business that requires my attention in
"this Island (acting under the positive Instructions I have received) I shall be under the
"necessity of placing those papers in the hands of a professional Gentleman with
"instructions to act, unless you forthwith make arrangements for the payment of
"the arrears of Rent due, of which I send you a Statement.a
"I have this day inserted an advertisement in the Gazette for the sale or Rent of
"the Estate in question: you have therefore an opportunity of avoiding further legal
"proceedings respecting the land in dispute by becoming the purchaser- an immediate
"answer will oblige Sir your (Obedt.)Obedient (Servt)Servant:
After my interview with Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev. above noticed I repaired to the Registrar's
Office and commenced a search for records connected with the conveyance of
lands in the quarter of Muddy pond and altho I had in a measure despaired
of finding and Deed immediately referring to the Ten acres, from the assurance
made by Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev. that he had searched in vain for it: I found in Book I page
182, Deed 3,052 the following Recital:
6.3.1.
Note: Deed
"Mathew and (ors)others to James Gordon- And also
"all that parcel of waste Land covered partly with Water in the quarter of Basseterre
"commonly called Muddy pond containing the estimation Ten acres be the same
"more or less, bounded by a common path and lands of said James Gordon and
" Peter HeudeHeude, Peter."
The above Letter to Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas not having been dispatched I
accordingly added in a postscript as follows: - Since writing the above I have
"found at the Registrar's Office the proper Record of the 10 acres clearly conveyed
"to and belonging to Mr. Gordon.
On the following day I addressed a Letter to Mr. Dupuy offering to sell or
Rent the Estate:-
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
"Sir The Lands of the late James Gordon situated near Muddy
"pond and (I believe) adjoining your property having been formerly Rented by you.
"I beg leave to inform you that I have authority to sell or Rent them, should you
"be disposed to have them in your possession. There are Ten Acres of good cane
"Land now in possession of Mr. Thomas TysonTyson, Thomas, and disputed by that Gentleman ~
"which upon Recovery would be made over, and for the Recovery of which proceedings
will be immediately instituted. The whole is about 122 acres. I am Sir
"Your (Obedt.)Obedient (St.)Servant
To this letter I received the following
Reply:
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
"Hermitage 15 February 1824:
Sir, You have correctly informed that the
"lands of the late Mr. Gordon near Frigate Bay ajoins my property there, and
"by the advice of some friends I was for a very short time induced to give a very high
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6.3.1.
Note: letter continued
"Rent for them. It is scarecely necessary to observe that the value of all West India
"property is now very different, and I feel very little disposed to lay out another shilling
"here- I shall however be in Town in a few days and will, if you will permit me hear your
"sentiments of the present value of the property, I am Sir Your (Obedt.)Obedient (St.)Servant
Signed J: Dupuy"
In the mean time (on the 13th) Mr TysonTyson, Thomas called upon me, and in referring to my Letter
of the 10th, he evaded that part which alluded to his having deceived me by his representations,
and dwelt principally upon his wish to pay all his debts as far as his means would
enable him to do so; and on the embarrassed state of his circumstances which interfered with
his intentions and inclination:-this exordium was followed by a voluntary offer to acknowledge
the debt in the presence of witnesses-but I told him that the debt was not at
all to be disputed, and it was my object to see it paid, at the same time I would willingly
give him the option of effecting it in the way best suiting his convenience either in Cash
or produce. The result of this conference was that he was to meet me tomorrow and
was then to pay as much debt as he could, and give me a Warrant of Attorney
for the Residue, covering the amount also to the (Exors)Executors.
Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas not having kept his Appointment on the following day (the 14th) I wrote
to him on the 15th as follows:-
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
"Sir I am extremely sorry that the disposition I have
"shown to afford you every possible accommodation consistent with that line of duty
"which the Instructions I have received have marked out for me has been met by
"so little desire on your part to avoid giving unnecessary trouble and creating delay.
"I waited the whole of yesterday in expectation of seeing you or hearing from you
"according to the arrangement we made on Friday. I beg again to repeat that
"I shall be under the necessity of transferring my authority to a professional Gentleman
as I intend quitting the Island by the Return Mail Boat, unless you will
"immediately come forward and make the arrangement I proposed to you at our
"last interview. I assure you I experience great inconvenience by the delay and my
"arrangements are all at a stand until I receive your Answer. I am Sir Yours &c.
To this Letter I received the following reply:-
6.3.1.
Note: a letter
"Sir I should
"have called on you yesterday as proposed but was not aware that you had returned from
"Palmetto point. I will make a point of seeing you early tomorrow morning on the
"business. I am perfectly sensible of your wish to afford me every accommodation in
"the arrangement of this matter. I am, Sir Your (Obedt)Obedient (St)Servant
At our interview on the following day he informed me that the utmost he could
do would be to ship 5 or 6 (phns)puncheons of Molasses and this would be attended with
considerable inconvenience. I reminded him of the inconvenience I was necessarily
sustaining by being kept day after day without any progress being made towards
a settlement, and refused taking anything less than the value of the debt due
to Mr. Gordon, and the Warrant of Attorney for the Amount owing to the (Exors)Executors,
6.4.
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and upon his expressing his total inability to effect it, I left him, first telling him
that I should place the matter immediately in the hands of the professional person
as I could not be detained longer in the Island:- that if he had any thing to
propose to avert the consequences of his hearing compelled me to take such a
step he would find me within the hour at the residence of the Gentleman to
whom I intended to refer the case.. He followed me shortly after attended
by his Solicitor who begged to see my power. I was much annoyed by this
request, not only from the nature of it, which implied a doubt that I held any
authority for demanding the debt, and betrayed a disposition to take every
advantage: but from recollecting at the moment that my power (although
indisputable in itself) was not accompanied by the City Seal and Certificate and
that I held no other authority from the (Exors)Executors than their Letter which I had delivered
to Mr.Davis:- and I had also the mortification of knowing that the
Man who confronted me was among the "sharp Lawyers of Saint Kitts" considered
the 'Sharpest of the Sharp'- I too plainly perceived that to produce my power
of Attorney would be at once putting a stop to further proceedings for the present
until I could procure another from England with the City Seal and Certificate
attached to it: I therefore the more readily expressed my surprise at what I
conceived to be so unreasonable a demand without betraying any want of readiness
to produce it by repairing to the Tavern where it was deposited in my Luggage:
This had the effect of removing any doubt from their minds, & my authority in
the behalf of Mr. Gordon was at length acknowledged.. Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas, however, apprehending that
it was a great general power coming also from the (Exors)Executors prematurely observed that
he had been informed by Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev. that I held no authority whatever from
those Gentlemen.. This by no means excited my surprise and I gave my opinion
very freely as regarded Mr. DavisDavis, William, Rev.'s conduct, and upon my shewing Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas's
Solicitor a Copy of the (Exors)Executors letter (which Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas here acknowledged Mr.Davis
had shewn him) I demanded whether either Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas or his professional
Advisor would take advantage of the informality of their power to me? Much desultory
conversation took place, and I was obliged at length to contend only
for Mr. Gordon's claim under his house of Attorney, in part payment of which
again Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas again offered the Melasses declaring most positively that he had not
the means of paying any portion in Cash.. Had I been disposed to have
accepted of the small quantity of produce which he tendered I was aware
that by doing so, there would be a plea against his signing a Warrant of
Attorney for the remainder as the amount could not be ascertained in until
the proceeds of the Molasses should be determined in England.. He here in-
6.5.
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formed me that he was under an extensive engagement to a Mercantile House
in Basseterre and all his disposeable produce went thro' their hands: that he
would repair thither and consult with them when the subject- I begged to accompany
him; and after a protracted discussion. I agreed that they should
receive from Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas Ten (phns)puncheons of Melasses when which they should advance
me £40 Sterling, and that he should forthwith return with me to the Lawyer's
and signed a warrant of Attorney for the payment of the Residue in the
following June.- This was effected and I received a draft from Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas
on Messrs. Paul and Burt for the above amount, but such is the poverty of the
Island and the distrust that prevails in the community, that they would not
pay it until they had received the Molasses, and then they declared their
inability to take up the draft in less than seven days!a
It next became my purpose to know Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas's intention with respect to
The Ten Acres.
I informed him that it was my determination to enter an action immediately for
the recovery, at the same time I advised him for the benefit of both parties
but more particularly with a view to saving himself considerable expence to
have the matter settled by arbitration: he professed much indifference, said
he was very willing, but that he always made it a rule to consult his professional
advisor, and that he would see him upon the subject- the result of this
reference was that his solicitor observed that it was not usual for a defendant
to give evidence against himself – I could not but remark that I was sorry
he was so deficient of evidence in his favor- In the course of this interview
he intimated that he rested his claim to the Ten Acres on the circumstance of
his having possessed thro' several channels of the lands formerly granted
by the Commissioners appointed for the sale of French lands to
Peter HeudeHeude, Peter, and that he had at the expiration of his Lease given up more than 110
Acres b, being the quantity of Land specified therein. It is to be observed however
that the Lease granted in 1775 by James Gordon to John TysonTyson, John clearly states
Ten acres including Muddy pond'; which word including together with the
circumstance of the Ten acres in dispute being immediately contiguous to the said
pond, one might suppose would be sufficient to set aside the position that the
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6.6.
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6.7. Plan of Muddy Pond Estate (figure)
References.
aa Ten Acres in dispute
bb 'Common Path' or Road
c Spot where the Dwelling
d Ruin,&
ee Path made by Simpson
ff Land formerly in Canes
6.8.
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pond itself covers the 10 acres a; yet with the strength of party feeling in the Colony
and the 'nine points of the law - possession' in favor of the defendant, it would
be no matter of surprise to any one acquainted with the discrepancies in the administration
of Justice in the West Indies, if a Jury were to give a verdict in favor of
the occupier and by a reference to the extract I made from the deed of conveyance
to James Gordon (noticed in page 5) it will appear that the Lease is the most favorable
instrument on which to support the claim in favor of Mr. Gordon the recital in the
said Deed being of so loose a character as rather to favor the position of which the
defendant would take advantage: ie: the Ten acres being under water It runs thus:
and also all that parcel of waste land covered partly with water in the quarter of
"Basseterre commonly called Muddy pond containing by estimation Ten acres be
"the same more or less bounded by a common path and lands of the said
"James Gordon and Peter HeudeHeude, Peter the word 'waste' would also weaken the claim to
land which now appears in cultivation, and by a reference to the plan it will be
seen that the boundaries herein expressed make the claim still further questionable
having no bearings. That the Ten acres in dispute (see plan a.a.) formerly belonged to
Peter HeudeHeude, Peter is beyond all doubt, and the common path (b) mentioned in the above extract
as a boundary between the 10 acres and the lands of Gordon and HeudeHeude, Peter go far to
invalidate Mr. Gordon's claim entirely; more especially as the said path separates
the pond from the Ten acres. But we will now take another view of the case, in the
mean time it is hereby clearly proved that the Lease signed by the Late John TysonTyson, John
is the most substantial document, and appears to me would be far more available in
a case of ejectment than the deed of conveyance, as it more particularly identifies the
Ten acres to be land not covered with water, but 'lying near or adjoining to Muddy
pond' and it further states 'and also the said pond.' I now proceeded to enquire
how far Mr.Tyson was the possessor by legal conveyance of the lands formerly
possessed by Peter Heude, I order to effect which I was obliged to search the records
of the original grants from the Commissioners, and it was then with some difficulty
that I succeeded in copying or rather deciphering from old English and mutilated
leaves the annexed Extract b. My next object was to find to whom these lands had
been subsequently conveyed in their way to the Tysons, and it also became necessary that
I should refer to several other grants to elucidate the several boundaries and connections
in order to ascertain how they might in the end form part of Mr.Tyson's property,
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6.9.
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a proposition of which had been conveyed directly from the Commissioners to his ancestorsa
and another part from them, the said commissioners to GreatheedGreatheeed, John which was subsequently purchased
by the Tysons. In the course of this investigation I found that the whole
of the land granted to HeudeHeude, Peter had been conveyed back to Gilbert FlemingFleming, Gilbert, one
of the said Commissioners b, and I was then to ascertain how he had disposed
of it: Having however furnished myself with the particulars of the lands composing
Tyson's Estate c exclusive of that portion of it said to be derived from HeudeHeude, Peter, I
next projected the inspection of a Mortgage deed which I found he had lately
executed in favor of Messrs Dennistounes and (Co)Company of Glasgow, and the extract
I made from it with the description of Heude's land already ascertained form
together the leading particulars to the elucidation of the point at issue.
I shall first regard Tyson's mortgage deed to Dennistoune's, by the first recital
in which, after passing over those recital referring to the lands conveyed
directly from the commissioners to his ancestors it would appear that the whole
of 'Muddy pond Estate' belonged to the Mortgagor; it runs thus: and all that
"other plantation or parcel of land commonly called Muddy pond Estate
"situate in the same parish with their and every of their appurtenances, together
"with the Negroes, plantation Stock, and implements therein after mentioned and
"which said plantation or parcel of Land called the Muddy pond Estate
"the said John Tyson lately purchased of Mary GreatheedGreatheeed, Mary and John Greatheed
comprising all that piece or parcel of land late of John Saint Leger DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger
with the appurtenances, situated, lying and being in the said parish of
"St. Peter Basseterre containing by admeasurement 30 acres be the same more
or less and abutted and bounding as therein also mentioned For
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6.10.
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ing recital in Tyson's Mortgage and also that other piece or parcel
"of land late of him the said John (St.)Saint Leger Douglass with the appurtenances
"&c containing by admeasurement Ten acres three roods and nineteen
"perches be the same more or less abutting and bounding as therein
"also mentioned (Note this is the parcel of Land in which half Moon Pond (called as I am
"informed, occasionally 'Muddy pond') is conveyed from DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger to GreatheedGreatheeed, John and from GreatheedGreatheeed, John to TysonTyson, Thomas a)
The 3rd recital in the said Mortgage runs thus: and also all
"that other piece or parcel of land late of him the said John (St.)Saint Leger Douglass
"&c, containing Two acres one rood and Twenty perches as therein
"also mentioned &c. Whereby it will appear by comparing the
Marginal contents of those several recitals (43.0.39) with the extract
from the deed of Conveyance "DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger to GreatheedGreatheeed, John," that Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas
became possessed thro the Greatheeds of all John (St.)Saint Leger Douglass'
Estate and with which he claims 'Half Moon pond' erroneously called
in his Mortgage Deed 'Muddy pond',
The next recital in the said Mortgage runs thus: "and also all that
"plantation or parcel of land late of (Wm.)William CrewCrew, William containing Ten acres
"&c: butted and bounded as therein also mentioned." (These Ten acres
will be referred to again)
"And also all that piece or parcel of land late of (Wm.)William Pilkington
"containing by admeasurement Nine acres, three roods & twenty five
"perches &c:" Now follow the lands formerly possessed by
Peter HeudeHeude, Peter. "And also with that other piece or parcel of Land containing
by admeasurement Twenty one Acres &c." b
"And also all that piece or parcel of land containing by admeasurement
Twenty Acres and half c, which was said two pieces
"of land are described as part of a plantation formerly in possession
of Peter HeudeHeude, Peter (decd.)deceased which contains by admeasurement
"Fifty one acres two roods, being in several pieces or parcels of
"land &c: By a reference to extracts (fm)from deed of conveyance "Mathew
and (ors)others to HeudeHeude, Peter"d it will be seen that several 'pieces or parcels'
of land formerly possessed by HeudeHeude, Peter composed together Fifty
one acres and half, and the two pieces or parcels of land above acknowledged
to be part thereof contain only Forty one acres &
half, being exactly Ten acres less than formerly belonged to HeudeHeude, Peter.
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6.11.
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Having therefore established the want of any connection in the other lots of land
composing Tyson's Estate with the exception of the aforementioned Ten Acres 'late
'belonging to (Wm.)William CrewCrew, William,' also conveyed thro' GreatheedGreatheeed, John to TysonTyson, Thomas; it only remained
for inquiry whether those Ten acres could in any way be made out to be the Ten
Acres in dispute, or any part of Heude's plantation a. Upon again repairing to
the Registrar's Office I found a record of the deed "CrewCrew, William to GreatheedGreatheeed, John" b which places
the said 'Ten acres late of (Wm.)William CrewCrew, William' on the opposite side of Tyson's property to the Northward
and adjoining the lands 'late of (Jno.)John (St.)Saint Leger Douglass and half Moon Pond above
noticed. Hence Mr. Tyson's claim to the Ten acres in dispute falls to the ground
unless it could be proved that they form part of the Forty one acres and half which
the boundaries will not admit of.
Of the several Lots of Heude's land (it is further proved) the Ten acres in the 5th and
6th recital of the annexed Extract (being in two lots of 5 acres each formerly possessed by (Robt)Robert Patterson
and (Wm.)William WattleyWattley, William) are the Ten acres belonging to Mr. Gordon, as the 'Cart path or common
path alluded to in the extract from the Deed of conveyance of the 'waste land covered
'partly by water &c." to James Gordon, is in both those lots noticed as a corresponding
boundary; but this circumstance goes to prove and in this stage of the investigation
I am brought back to the opinion noticed in Note b page 12, that the pond
had first been granted by the Commissioners to James Gordon, and that the Ten
Acres 'lying near or adjoining to' it, were a subsequent conveyance from Gilbert FlemingFleming, Gilbert
also to James Gordon after Heude's land had reverted to him but I
could find no such record.
In a case of ejectment as it is required that the plaintiff shall prove his
Title without taking advantage of the weakness of the Defendant's, the Lease
I conceive to be the most available document, as it clearly makes out Ten Acres
exclusive of the pond, which is said to be 'adjoining'
The situation of (which I visited during
my short stay in Saint Kitts in February) is on the (S.E)South East part of the Island bounded
to the (N.E)North East by the Sea, and to the (S.W)South West by a range of hills, on the summit of which
is the boundary line separating it from Lucas's Estate. The declivities of these hills
occupy (from this line towards the Sea) in irregular and abrupt surfaces more than
half the property and the range within 60 or 80 yards of the beach, in some places
exceeding that distance, from the overflowing of the Sea, is so sensibly impregnated
with saline particles, as to render cultivation impracticable even if the natural
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6.12.
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6.13. View of the Estate taken from the Ruin (figure)
6.14.
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15

quality of the soil (which is very bad) would otherwise favor it; the only thing that
vegetates in this quarter is the Manchineel Tree a and is in abundance. The parts of
the Estate therefore capable of cultivation are principally confined to the Ten Acres in
Mr. Tyson's possession and the 2 pieces marked in the plan formerly planted in Canes
when the Estate was rented by Mr. Dupuy, and in Mr. Simpson's time.
The pond which is supplied by the occasional overflowing of the Sea from its
contiguity to the beach, is at times nearly dry and may be estimated at about
Ten Acres in extent; and being immediately to windward of the principal part of
the Estate, renders it unhealthy from the stagnant state of the Water or the vapours
which arise from the accumulated mass of mud it contains.
The Hills are principally covered by brush wood, the wild Logwood and Acacia
and several species of the Cactus, the most remarkable of which is the Melocactus;
this plant like the Manchineel Tree which is dispersed here and there on the flat part
of the Estate, as well as in the direction of the beach, thrives in a bad soil, or where
Rocks and Sand, barely yield support to any other species of Vegetation: There
is nevertheless tolerable pasturage over a considerable portion of the Estate.
I found Mr. Tyson's Cattle trespassing here to feed, as if the property was
still rented by him; and Mr. Dupuy's Cattle also occasionally exercise the
same privilege. These persons and the Owners of the Lucas's Estate are the
only individuals to whom Muddy Pond Estate would be an acquisition
at least as far as its contiguity to their own property is a consideration:
but whilst they can enjoy all the advantages that could accrue to them as Owners
of it, by trespass; I doubt if it will ever become a question with them "Who
is the proprietor?" The former Gentlemen, however to whom I am particularly
alluding if they had the disposition, have not the means of purchasing
it and the owners of Lucas's Estate to whom it would be equally eligible, have
taken no notice of a communication I made to them on the subject dated
from Saint Kitts in February of the present year.
The situation where the House formerly stood may still be traced
close to which is the ruin of a stone building apparently the remains of a
kitchen, which I have laid down in the plan. The House, I was informed
was sold by Mr. Robinson (acting as administrator to the will of Simpson) to
a Mr. Beard for 40 pound currency -- he dismantled it and sold the materials.
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6.15.
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16

Extracts from Deeds of conveyance recorded at the Registrar's Office at Saint
Kitts, referred to in the forgoing Reports.
Note: Appears in left margin.
Extract No. 1
from
Book I page 182.
Mathew and (ors)others
to
James Gordon
6.15.1.
Note: Deed
Indenture dated 14 June 1742. "By a contract for a parcel of Land situate in the town
of Basseterre containing by admeasurement 6100 feet square bounded to the North with Cayon Street 61 feet
to the East with lands unsold 100 feet to the South with Pall Mall Square 61 feet and to the West with
Robert Lorey decd his Lot 100 feet.
"And also all that parcel of Waste Land covered partly with Water in the quarter
of Basseterre commonly called Muddy Pond containing by estimation Ten Acres
be the same more or less bounded by a common path and lands of James Gordon and Peter HeudeHeude, Peter.
"And also for another parcel or portion of land situate in the Town of Basseterre containing by
admeasurement 92 square feet bounded to the North by lands purchased by Mr. DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger 2 1/2 feet
to the East by lands purchased by said James Gordon 37 feet to the South with the Sea Shore 2 1/2
feet, and to the West with lands unsold 37 feet. The first contract for which was dated 14 (Feb)February 1737.
___________________
Note: Appears in left margin.
Extract No. 2
from
Book F page 346 folio 175 Deed 1502
Mathew and (ors)others
to
HeudeHeude, Peter.
Registered 20 (Novr.)November 1737.
6.15.1.
Note: Deed
Indenture dated 24 March 1738. And also four other pieces or parcels of land situate in the quarter
of Basseterre containing by admeasurement Twenty one acres, bounded (N.)North with lands in possession of
James Milligan. (NW)Northwest with lands of John HartHart, John and John DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger and Henry Morrett. (SW)Southwest with land of Will Lake
and said Henry Morrett and (Geo)George Ashby (SE)Southeast with Land of Lady Stapleton.
"the second parcel containing by admeasurement Five Acres bounded (NW)Northwest with path leading from
the sea to and along (Geo)George WattleyWattley, George's bounds and so is continued to the said Peter Heude's upper or mountains
Land. (SW)Southwest with Lands of James Milligan. (NE)Northeast with lands formerly in possession of Elizabeth Hunt and (SE)Southeast with lands
of James Gordon.
"the third parcel containing by admeasurement Five Acres bounded (NW)Northwest with the said path which
leads from the sea to and along (Geo)George WattleyWattley, George's bounds and so is continued to the said Peter Heude's upper or mountain
land. (SW)Southwest with the land herein beforementioned formerly in possession of Ann Hagan (or Fagan) (NE)Northeast with lands
of Robert Patterson and (SE)Southeast with lands of James Gordon.
"the fourth parcel containing by estimation half an Acre (be the same more or less) situate between Muddy
Pond and the sea bounded (NW)Northwest with the path which leads from the Sea to and along the bounds of Thomas TysonTyson, Thomas
and (Geo)George WattleyWattley, George and so is continued to said Peter Heude's upper or mountain land. (SW)Southwest with the (NE)Northeast side of
Muddy Pond. (NE)Northeast with the Sea and (SE)Southeast with lands of said James Gordon including a Cart path which is to be
allowed in the room of one formerly between the (SW)Southwest side of said pond and the land of Mr. WattleyWattley, George and Robert Patterson.
"And also one other piece or parcel of land containing by admeasurement Five Acres bounded (NW)Northwest with
lands of (Geo)George WattleyWattley, George NE with Muddy Pond leaving a Cart path round the pond. See with land in possession
of William WattleyWattley, William and (SW)Southwest with land in possession of Widow Hunt.
"And also one other piece or parcel of land containing by admeasurement Five Acres bounded (NW)Northwest
with lands of Thomas Patterson (NE)Northeast with the Cart path next to the pond and (SE)Southeast and (SW)Southwest with mountain
land.
"And also one other piece or parcel of land containing by admeasurement Four Acres bounded (NE)Northeast
with the common path that leads to the Sea and parts it from land in possession of John GreatheedGreatheeed, John (NE)Northeast
with land of Edward Morris (NW)Northwest and (SE)Southeast with land of Doctor John Edwards.
"And also one other piece or parcel of land containing Six Acres bounded (SW)Southwest with land of
John GreatheedGreatheeed, John West with land in possession of Margaret Ratcliff (NE)Northeast with the pond land in possession of
Thomas TysonTyson, Thomas and (NW)Northwest with the path leading to the Sea and which parts it from land in possession of
John GreatheedGreatheeed, John.
This last Extract is the most important affecting the question of right to
the Ten acres, the 5th and 6th recital in which (being 5 acres (ea)each) no doubt refer
to them. (In Book G. Deed No. 1809 the whole of these several lots of land are conveyed by
Peter HeudeHeude, Peter to Gilbert FlemingFleming, Gilbert) The several Lots compose together 51 Acres and half.
___________________
Note: Appears in left margin.
Extract No. 3
from Book F... page 324 folio 104
Mathew and (ors)others
to
(Thos.)Thomas TysonTyson, Thomas
6.15.1.
Note: Deed
Indenture dated 21st Sept. 1787-"and all that plantation or parcel of Land situate in the
Canaries containing 68 acres 1 rood and 10 perches. bounded (SE)Southeast and (SW)Southwest with Lands partly in possession of John WattleyWattley, John
and partly with lands of John DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger and late General HartHart, John - partly with lands of John CrewCrew, William and Thomas Chapman.
partly with lands of John Atline John Bennett and Edward Morris. Northerly with land of John GreatheedGreatheeed, John, (NE)Northeast with the sea."
This conveyance is the first recital in TysonTyson, Thomas's Mortgage Deed to Messers
Dennistounes and (Co.)Company noticed in the body of the Report.
___________________
Note: Appears in left margin.
Extract No. 4
from
Book Y page 218 deed 6144
DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger
to
GreatheedGreatheeed, John
6.15.1.
Note: Deed
Indenture dated 24 March 1758. "All that piece or parcel of land of him the said John (St.)Saint Leger
Douglass containing by admeasurement Thirty Acres abutted and abounded as follow. (NE)Northeast with land of
Peter Thomas TysonTyson, Thomas. (NW)Northwest with land of said John (St.)Saint Leger Douglass. (SW)Southwest with land of Lady Frances Stapleton. (SE)Southeast with lands of
said Craistie GreatheedGreatheeed, John, being late the Estate of (Geo)George WattleyWattley, George and purchased by the late John DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger.
"And also all that piece or parcel of Land containing by admeasurement Ten Acres Three roads and nineteen
perches as follow. Bounded at the head or the Southward with a butt which divides the same from other lands of
[Page 17]
17

6.15.1.
Note: [Deed continued]
"said John (St.)Saint Leger Douglass to the North with lands late belonging to Thomas HartHart, John (NE)Northeast with Half
Moon Pond to the (SE)Southeast partly with lands of James Chapman but now in the tenure of said
Craistie GreatheedGreatheeed, John and partly with a common path which divides the said piece of Land hereby last described
from the piece or parcel herein after to be described and to the (SW)Southwest with land of said James Chapman now
also in tenure of said Craistie GreatheedGreatheeed, John.
And also all that piece or parcel of land containing Two acres One Rood and Twenty perches
bounded (NW)Northwest with said path which divides the last mentioned piece from the piece last before mentioned
to the (NE)Northeast partly with said Half Moon pond and partly with Sandy Ground near the Sea Shore to the
(SW)Southwest with land of said Craistie GreatheedGreatheeed, John and to the (SE)Southeast with other lands of said John Saint Leger
Douglass and which said two pieces of land were purchased from the Commissioners for the sale of French lands"
___________________________________________
Note: Appears in left margin.
Extract No. 5
from
Book M page 31 folio 16
CrewCrew, William
to
GreatheedGreatheeed, John
6.15.1.
Note: Deed
"All that piece or parcel of land belonging to him the said (Wm.)William CrewCrew, William containing Ten Acres
being butted and bounded as follow: (SE)Southeast with lands of His Excellancy General HartHart, John and (Jno.)John Douglass
Esq. (NW)Northwest with lands of Thomas Chapman (NE)Northeast with Half Moon Pond and (SW)Southwest with Mountain land
of the said General HartHart, John and John DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger."
___________________________________________
Note: Appears in left margin.
In the course of my investigation at the Registrar's Office I met
with the conveyance of the two lots of Land of Fifty acres each, granted
by the Commissioners to James Gordon of which the following are extracts.
In these Deeds, as also in the one containing the recital of the
"waste land covered partly with Water." I found several lots of Land
also conveyed to James Gordon, situated in the Town of Basseterre.
Note: Appears in left margin.
Extract No. 6
Book F page 354 folio 179
Mathew and (ors)others
to
James Gordon
6.15.1.
Note: Deed
Indenture dated 21 (Sept)September 1737. "One parcel of the said Lands situate in the Town
of Basseterre containing by admeasurement 4,930 feet square bounded North with Short Alley 86 feet
to the East with College Street 59 feet to the South with Drewell Ottley, Drewell EsqOttley, Drewell. of 36 feet 25 feet and 26 feet and to the west
with Slove lane 91 feet.
"And one other parcel of land in the said Town containing by admeasurement 810 feet square bounded
North with Fort Street 131/2 feet to the East with land in possession of Mathew Cuille EsqCuille, Mathew. 60 feet to the South
with the Sea Shore 13 1/2 feet and to the West with old walls in possession of John DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger 60 feet.
"And for one other plantation or parcel of the said Land in the quarter of Basseterre
containing by admeasurement Fifty Acres bounded (SW)Southwest with lands in possession of Peter Mitchell
(NW)Northwest partly with lands in possession of James Milligan and partly with lands in possession of
Peter HeudeHeude, Peter. (NE)Northeast with the North Sea and lands in possession of Zachariah Bournyeau"
___________________________________________
Note: Appears in left margin.
Extract No. 7
Book G page 23
Milligan and (ors)others
to
James Gordon
6.15.1.
Note: Deed
Indenture dated 13 February 1738 "All that piece or parcel of Land containing
Fifty Acres (be the same more or less) bounded (SW)Southwest with lands in possession of Peter HeudeHeude, Peter, North
Westerly with lands in possession of John HartHart, John and John DouglassDouglass, John St. Leger. (SE)Southeast with lands in possession of
George WattleyWattley, George. (NE)Northeast with land in possession of said WattleyWattley, George and said HeudeHeude, Peter, and South Easterly with a path
leading to said land, which parts it from land in possession of Lady Stapleton."
In Book I page 181 deed 3051 is the Commissioner's ratification of this conveyance.
___________________________________________
Note: Appears in left margin.
Extract No. 8
Book K page 60
Buckley
to
Gordon
6.15.1.
Note: Deed
"That piece or parcel of land containing Two acres and three quarters, situate lying and
being near Frigate Bay, and bounded to Southward with the common path leading to Frigate Bay
to the East with lands of William Coleman and Rev John Title. To the North with lands of
James Gordon to the West with land late of said Peter Mitchell and James Gordon.
This piece of land forms part of Muddy Pond Estate.
_________________________________
Recapitulation of Land in the foregoing Extracts belonging to Mr. Gordon
Extract 1st…… 10.00 6,192
6th 50.00 5,740
7th 50.00
8th 2.30
Acres 112.30 11,932 Square feet
6.16.
[Page 18]
18

It is to be observed that the foregoing Statement of Land composing Muddy
Pond Estate is exclusive of the Ten acres in dispute admitting the first lot to be the
pond and the land immediately skirting it, of which I am now fully of opinion,
more from the disagreement of the recitals in the Deed and the Lease than from
the want of coincidence in the boundaries specified in the former with the 'common path'
now to be seen, and from the character of the ease it is fair to conclude that the
particular recital of the Ten acres was copied from a Deed which has not been
put upon Record a. With the Ten acres, therefore in Mr. TysonTyson, Thomas's possession the
Estate may be estimated at 122 acres and 3 quarters.
I inserted an advertisement in the Saint Kitts Gazette for the Sale or
Rent of this property but received no offer, and I much fear it will long remain
unemployed unless some arrangement could be entered into with Messers Hardens
and sons the cosigners or owners of Lucas's Estate, either for the Rent or purchase
of it.
I quitted Saint Kitts for Antigua on the 1st of March
_____________________________
b.
[Page [19]]
8. Part the Second - Antigua
8.1.

___________________
8.2.
[Page unnumbered]
8.3. A New and Accurate Map of the Island of Antigua (undated)
8.4.
[Page Map]
8.5. The Island of Antigua (1819, map)
8.6.
[Page [1]]
8.7. Part the Second

___________________
. a
____________
The Mail Boat in which I took my passage to Antigua from (St.
Kitts)Saint
Christopher anchored in Saint John's Harbour on the night of the 2nd of March
and I landed on the following morning. I lost no time in apprizing Mr.
John Allan of my arrival and I had the pleasure of a visit from him the
same day, and I ascertained from that Gentleman that Mrs. David AllanAllan, David, Mrs.
was still residing on Sanderson's Estate: He very kindly offered me accommodation
until she removed but I could not allow considerations of that nature
to supercede the more important one of the inspecting the properties with as little
delay as possible; and without urging her departure I proposed visiting Sanderson's
Estate on the next following day (the 5th).
________________________________
8.8.
[Page 2]
8.9. Sanderson's Estate
2

,
is situated nearly in the center of the Island inclining rather to the Eastward
and the spot may be immediately recognized on the Map of the Island by a pond
in that quarter called Pim's Pond to which it is contiguous and which is about
7 miles from the principal Town Saint Johns about 4 miles from Falmouth
and between 2 and 3 miles from Parham a. The prevailing character of the Soil
of this Estate is a black mould on a substratum of Marl, a small quantity
of clay is, however; here and there to be seen, and with the exception of the hill
in the neighbourhood of the Negro Houses there is not a bad piece of land on
the Estate. The North-eastern part of it is the most elevated; which is an advantage
as the cultivation is thereby materially protected from the prevailing
(NEy)Northeasterly winds (see section). The full extent of the property including Roads, ranges,
wastelands is between 311 and 312; about 230 acres of which are appropriated
to cultivation. The unusual plan of appropriating the land in
this Island is to allow one third for plant canes, one third for Rattoons
and a third for provisions; but this arrangement ought to depend much upon
the quality and condition of the land as also upon the number of Negroes
to feed: hence allowing an average of 2 (Hhds)hogsheads an acre for the plants and
Rattoons from two-thirds of the cultivable part of the Estate it ought to
produce upwards of 300 (Hhds)hogsheads of Sugar per (ann)annum: this calculation is of
course allowing that the land is in good heart; and were it not for the
unseasonableness of the Island b a greater average crop might be made, but
under circumstances, and particularly that of having a Gang of 317 Negroes
to feed, whereby it would be necessary to encrease the proportion of Land for
provisions to one half (allowing too for a piece of land to rest occasionally)
I think from 250 to 300 (Hhds)hogsheads per annum from this Estate the utmost that
ought to be expected, with a proper regard to the working of the Negroes and
Stock: but as I propose appropriating part of Osborne's pasture Estate to the
growth of provisions an average 300 (Hhds)hogsheads may be fairly calculated upon
under good management c._ The crops of late years have not much exceeded 100
____________________________
8.10.
[Page Figure]
8.11. Plan of Sanderson's Estate (figure)
Note: Figure
8.12.
[Page 3]
3

(Hhds)hogsheads a, and the expenses must have materially exceeded the proceeds: this however
is to be attributed entirely to want of system and attention in its management
for very many years, and the desideratum might be extended to some
other essential points. The greater part of the property appeared overrun with
a pernicious Weed called by several names 'Savannah Grass', 'white grass'
but more commonly and appropriately 'Devil's Grass' b, and in some places I discovered
another destructive weed known by the name of 'Nut' or 'Knot' Grass.
The land in cultivation had every appearance of having been badly prepared
and the stinted growth of the Canes indicated that it was much in want of manure;
some pieces of Canes however had a more favorable appearance than
others, but in the progress of crop, it appeared that the 'head rows, (ie: the
outsides or borders of the piece) had been artfully manured and better planted
whilst the principal part of the piece had received no assistance, and consequently
not only yielded a thin meager cane but in many places the plants had
totally failed. c Upon enquiry I found that the land had received no material
assistance by manuring and dressing for many years, and the want of proper
dung heaps and Cattle pens proved the existing absence of a due regard to
this essential point in plantership. I question also if any thing could betray
a more palpable want of system and attention than the irregular and extended
width of the ranges between each piece of Canes, which were in some places rendered
impassable by the accumulation of Weeds, and stone heaps, or deep holes
from whence marl had been from time to time dug out. Two good pieces of land
(No. 23 & 24) together about 20 acres were out of cultivation. At this early period
of the year the ground provisions were nearly all expended and we ceased
to feed from the Estate about six weeks after my arrival. Evidently the return
had been very inconsiderable nor was it to be wondered at, considering the state
of the land, and the degenerated character of the seed.
______________________________
8.13.
[Page 4]
8.14. The Works &c. (figure)
4
8.15.
The works are situated on the Western part of the property, which renders the Carting
from the other extremity rather laborious. They consist of a Boiling House and
Curing House attached in tolerable order: a Windmill and Cattle Mill Still
House Liquor loft, Overseer's House, and Blacksmith's Shop. The only essential improvement
required in the first-named Building was new Shingling to the roof of the
Curing House and the enlargement of the Boiling House Windows for the purpose
of admitting a more free circulation of air; the want of which materially checked
the cooling and granulation of the Sugar a. A new sett of Boilers are required for
the North side of the Boiling House. The Windmill is a very good one and is
capable of grinding sufficient liquor to make between 3 and 4 Hogsheads of
Sugar a day: it is in good order b. The Cattle Mill I found totally neglected
and in very bad condition c. The Still House in its several departments and
arrangement is one of the worst I have seen, and it will require considerable
expense to put it in good repair. This particular department in the management
has for years been nearly overlooked, and shamefully neglected: indeed
the great defalcation in the Rum crops has evidently proceeded from want of
proper regulations; and the Keys only I suspect may have the credit of
having performed more than their duty. The Rum Butts were all in a
state of decay and leaking. The Boiling House, Curing House and Still=
___________________________________
8.16.
[Page Figure]
8.17. View of the Works. from Station (figure)
Note: Figure
8.18.
8.19.
[Page 5]

House should be all attached, and but for the expence attending the measure
I should recommend converting the present Curing House into a Still House &c
and building another Curing House at the other extremity of the Boiling House;
this would certainly be a great improvement, but the labor and expence under
existing circumstances, induces me merely to notice it without urging its adoption.
The Overseer's House (see plan of the Works h) I have projected as the future
residence of the Manager, who will there have the whole of the Works under his
eye, as also the movements of the Overseer's under him whose house is to be
built on the spot marked in the plan of the works (.), and the Negroes recently
removed from Lavington's Estate will also be immdiately at his command.
The Smith's Shop requires no particular notice.
The Cattle pen (k) scarecely deserves that name as it is merely a few posts
with some boards nailed to them to keep the animals within their limits, but
I have projected the erection of another, as also a Magoss House near to this spot.
8.20.
Note: Two figures. See the figures in the page image.
8.21.
[Page 6]
8.22. Dwelling, Offices, Hospital &c:
6

The residence for the proprietor or Attorney is in some respects inconveniently
situated at the opposite extremity of the property to the Eastward of the Works
near to the old works formerly belonging to an Estate called Martins, which
now composes part of Sandersons; but as these Buildings are now converted
into a Hospital, Stores &c: departments essentially requiring the controul
and constant superintendence of the person in charge: the objection to the
principal residence being so distant from the Works is materially obviated
more especially as the Negro Houses are also in that direction. Another
great advantage is here manifest if the Attorney lives on the property, namely:
A communication with Lavington's Estate which is seen only from this
point, by means of telegraph which I had projected with a view to dispensing
with a Messenger upon every frivolous occasion a. There is nevertheless
a better situation for the Dwelling within about two hundred yards of the
spot on which it now stands, and whence it might be removed to command a
complete view of the Estate, without losing the advantages already noticed,
but the benefit would not commensurate with the expense and trouble attending
its removal, and I consequently reject the measure b.
The House and offices are in very bad condition and will require
general repairs, but there are so many objects demanding immediate
attention, that this has been and may be left for the present, and effected
by degrees by the Estate's Tradesmen. The Stable I found in
the most disgraceful state that can be well conceived, and the manure
and dirt had been allowed to accumulate in the Stalls until they had
composed a hard heap considerably above the Stones by which it is paved:
Hence it will be no matter of surprise that the two Horses I found on the
Estate were both affected with Glanders, which became at length so manifest
and incurable that I was obliged to shoot them.
The Hospital and Lying in establishment, altho' in a satisfactory
state were still open to important improvements. The Window Shutters were
much decayed and admitted the Wind; many of the Beds were also wanting
repair; and contrary to my expectations I observed that the rooms were
not swept every morning, and were by no means clean: next to this I
disapproved of a want of a direct communication with the Lying=
___________________________________
8.23.
[Page figure]
8.24. View of the Dwelling. from the Stable, on Plan
Note: [Two figures]
8.25. Plan of the Dwellings, Offices, Hospital &c. (figure)
8.26.
[Page Figure]
8.27. View of the Hospital &c. taken from the Dwelling
Note: Figure
8.28.
[Page 7]
7

in rooms (without going thro' the Hospital) and the improvement in this respect
will be seen in the View and plan of these several Buildings. The whole of
this establishment I consider now to be under desirable regulations and
the only improvement I have to project is that of an angular wall or fence
in the direction of the dotted line in the plan, forming a yard to the Hospital.
It may be necessary to observe that Negroes have a great aversion to
being kept in the Sick House during their illness, and if they can escape to
their Huts they will do so, not unfrequently carrying disease among the healthy
part of the Gang; and thereby occasionally aggravating their disorder by taking
cold or deviating from the regimen prescribed. It is essential that all
possible means should be used to prevent this, by a proper regard to their
comfort in the first instance, and by enforcing a strict attention to the rules
and regulations of the Establishment: whereby, also, they would not be
so frequently induced to affect illness with a view to getting an uncontrouled
range for a few days. In preference therefore to locking the Hospital door
which amounts to an undue check upon their liberty, I would afford them
the range of the ground above allotted as a yard during the day.
There is much to be advanced in favor of improvement in this particular
department of a West India property, and I much fear that many Negroes
lose their lives from improper treatment, or want of attention in administering
Medicine, which is generally left to the Sick Nurse who is mostly an
old Slave that has been brought up in the Hospital, the extent of whose
knowledge is perhaps an acquaintance with the peculiar virtues of some
indigenous plants. The Doctor attends the Estate sees the several
patients, prescribes for them in the Sick Book, which is afterwards forwarded
to his Residence (unless it happens that Medicines are provided by the property)
and the Messenger returns with the several compounds, most frequently
made up by his assistant-these are transferred by the Manager to the
Sick Nurse who (not possessing a knowledge of Letters) as she receives
her directions places each packet between her several fingers each of
which it is to be presumed represents in her mind the patients to whom
they are to be administered. Several circumstances affecting the safety
of patients have passed under my own observation, but I have advanced
sufficient in favor of the opinion that the Medicines should be on the
_______________________________________________
8.29.
[Page 8]
8

property, and if not administered by the Doctor, at least they should be prepared
by him, and placed in such order on the spot as to preclude the possibility of
an error. Another essential regulation which I found neglected, is that of the
Medical Man visiting the Estate regularly, and twice in every week, and that
the Attorney or Manager attend him in the Hospital, not only that each of
them may become better acquainted with the character and physical disposition
of the patients: but that any little matter connected with their comforts
(which frequently suggests itself on the spot, and is afterwards forgot) may be
the sooner attended to. The Doctor a who had the charge of this Estate
when I arrived had absented himself owing to ill-health for a considerable time
and had entrusted the responsibility of his office to an apothecary resident in
Saint Johns, whose indifference to the charge he had undertaken by no means made
up for the absence of the Doctor, and the Medical care of the Estate had for
several weeks been totally disregarded, to the disgrace of the Manager. I lost
no time in appointing another person, who has been very indefatigable in his attendance
and attention to the Sick and in whose ability I have great confidence.
The advantageous terms to the property of this engagement have already been noticed
(in Letter No. 8) b.
Attached to the Hospital &c: is an extensive room which was formerly the
Liquor loft, before the Works were dismantled, and has latterly been appropriated
as a School Room for the young Negroes; it is sufficiently large
however, for a portion of it to be set apart for a Store if required, or a residence
for one of the Overseers.
The Stores.
The principal Stores on the property are under the Dwelling; the foundation
of which is built of Stone forming three substantial compartments; and are
consequently immediately under the eye of the resident Attorney. Another
good Store is under the School Room which is appropriated as a depository
for the ground provisions; the space between the Dwelling and this Building
being the spot where the Negroes usually assemble to receive their allowance.
Near to this place stands the old Mill which is also converted into A
Store and Bell-fry. Regarding these several circumstances therefore, it will
again appear that the situation of the dwelling is not so objectionable as
has been represented, more especially as I have before observed, the Negro
houses being also in the immediate vicinity.
___________________________________
8.30.
[Page 9]
8.31. The Negro's Houses
9

I found them in a better condition than I expected, but many Negroes complained
that they had been long residing with their relations for want of Houses of
their own and that the increase of their families rendered it no longer comfortable
or convenient for them. I particularly noticed the Quantity of weeds and bushes
growing between their residences, and the inflammable state of the thatching of some
of the roofs which were here and there touching each other. Negroes are very tenacious
of any interference in their domestic arrangements or comforts, unless it be
solicited by them, and they are even among themselves particularly rigid in the
observance of their own peculiar forms of intercourse; they are rather reserved
than otherwise in their domestic character, and being fond of seclusion they take
great pains to encourage the growth of Trees or bushes round the limits of their
several lots of land on which their dwellings stand, and they usually allow the
trash with which they are thatched to overhang the Windows and doors.
I am much of the opinion that the distrust which prevails with Negroes towards
their Masters or those persons controuling them arises from the great indifference
and disregard on the part of the latter which is well known to exist
in most matters connected with the health and domestic comforts of the Negroes
under their charge, until necessity calls for their interference. I would by
no means be understood to be here subscribing to the gross falsehoods advanced
by many imputing neglect and cruelty to Managers of West India properties
generally, but I am referring to matters that may be considered out of the
broad scale of plantation duty and discipline, and connected more particularly
with the dictates of a mind alive to philosophical reasoning, and the deep
interest of the proprietor to support, and increase the number of his laborers. How
far it may be disputed to be a duty within the province of a Manager's government
to investigate and interfere in the internal state of the Negroe's Huts and
grounds I will not presume to decide, but it is beyond doubt that disease and
mortality originate in the confined situation and dirty condition of their dwellings
and the impure vapors from stagnant pools and decayed weeds which are too
frequently to be seen in their neighbourhood. I confined my interference to the
clearance of the Weeds and rubbish in the intervals or common paths between
the Houses, and divided the future charge of keeping them clean between the Drivers
and Ranger each to attend to it in turn. Several of those Huts that required
repair had been completed, and others were in progress when I left the Island: vacant
lots were also laid out for new Houses to be built at leisure.
8.32.
[Page 10]
8.33. The Negroes
10

It has been asserted that the Gang of this property is composed chiefly of ill-
disposed, discontented and weakly Negroes; which has been attributed to the
circumstance of their having been purchased at different times either singly or in
small lots and through various channels; and that consequently many bad
characters have been introduced to the injury of the good. In reply to this
observation I will only ask in what other manner has almost every other Gang
been collected? And then, as to their discontent, and consequent ill-disposition
we may fairly enquire if there has existed no cause but that of their particular
nature? It is only necessary for me to give a decided contradiction to the statement
that they are a dejected and weakly looking Gang: on the contrary I
have seldom seen one more healthy & well made; and I think for this description
of people more easy to controul with proper management and good treatment.
It is most true that up to the time of my arrival in Antigua strong indications
of insubordination had been shewn in both Gangs, and particularly in that
belonging to Lavington's Estate, which called for the interference of Magistrates; but
can it be wondered at (without regarding the general fermentation that prevailed in
the Colonies at the time a) when we revert to the circumstances under which these
properties have been governed, or conducted for many years; during which time
the Negroes have been in doubt whether they had an Owner among the numerous
participators in their government; and to the total want of system and order
in the several provinces of their duty, and welfare. It is not necessary that I
should enlarge upon this subject further than this: that no talismanic power has
been exercised, no extraordinary measures have been adopted to give health
and strength in a few months to the weakly animation and cheerfulness to the
dejected and discontented, and notwithstanding they now possess these several
qualifications, and the work of the Estate has latterly proceeded with the utmost
order and in every way to give general satisfaction. I must nevertheless admit
that they at first gave me considerable trouble, and it was some time before they
could be brought to feel that they had been ill-governed, and that they would
have less work to perform by doing it well. The circumstance too of a person
coming direct from England as the representative of the proprietor had considerable
influence on their minds, and gave additional weight to the authority by
which they found themselves conrouled. It is here worthy of remark that a
sensible difference may be observed in the disposition of Negroes to perform
the duties required of them by the several persons place over them, and it is
by no means extraordinary that they should prefer being directed by the individual
on whom they are more particularly dependant or his immediate representative,
than by persons in the lower gradations of Office, to which they are
___________________________________
8.34.
[Page 11]
11

particularly alive, and whose authority they would frequently dispute or disregard
in the perverseness of their nature, if at all deviating from the prescribed rules or
regulations of the Estate which are supposed or known to emanate from the
responsible Individual. This is a subject on which I dare not venture to dilate
or I should very much encrease the bulk of this Report; but I will only briefly
observe that either the proprietor or Attorney cannot be too often amongst
them and which more particularly calls for the residence of either one or the
other on the property.
The number composing this Gang when I took charge of the Estate was 233
of this number there are 10 Mulattoes among the Men and Boys, of whom four
are serviceable to the Estate as Tradesman, on superannuated, and five Boys.
There were 13 Mulattoes among the Women and Girls, one of whom has been
since manumitted by me. Her name is Ann Conolly. It is scarcely necessary
that I should again advert at any length to the particular ease of this Girl:
that in justice she was entitled to her freedom there cannot be a shadow of
doubt, and however it might have been evaded in Law under the circumstances
in which the Estate was placed, there was no other plea upon which a
claim to her could be supported in Equity than the bare circumstance of her
being still returned and held on the plantation Books as a Slave. As the
Estate had received the substitution of a Woman who afterwards had three
children on the property, altho' the exchange had never been ratified, because
in truth the tenant for life could not legally confirm it, by manumitting
Ann Conolly: justice it is to be presumed would never allow that single circumstance
to form a barrier to the freedom of the Girl, or because the Woman placed in
her stead and her issue had died, when there was a means open to make
good any loss to the remainder man by claiming on the Estate of the deceased
tenant for dilapidation. a I however urged a different view of the case when
it was agitated in the presence of the chief Justice, upon which occasion an extract
of a Letter which had been addressed by Mrs. GordonGordon, James Adam, Mrs. to an Overseer named
John Tillet in October 1817 was produced in support of the girl's claim, the
original of which had by some means been obtained by her Father; the extract
ran thus: "And though we have permitted Mr Conolly to put a Negro on the
"Estate for his daughter, that permission will not be repeated to any other
"and this was most unwillingly done by us altho' it might be profitable."
Whatever Mrs. GordonGordon, James Adam, Mrs.'s intentions may have been in this particular case, they do
not distinctly appear by this extract, and altho' it recognizes the substitution
it is worded with a degree of cautiousness that leaves a doubt as to the terms of
the exchange, and when I succeeded in procuring the original Letter I found the
paragraph of which this extract is only a part, to imply that she could only con=
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8.35.
[Page 12]
12

template the measure as an exchange of Services and not of their persons, for
it commences thus: "Reflect that as we can never emancipate a Slave your
"children's children must be in bondage to the furthest generation, and though
"we have permitted Mr. Conolly to put a Negro &c a copy of this Letter accompanies
this Report. Having so far established this point as to remove some
prejudices on the minds of several persons in the Island, and indeed on that
of Conolly himself, I proposed that a valuation should be put upon the Girl
and that if it were of a nature, that I might think under circumstance would
justify me in signing her manumission that I would forthwith do so: she was
accordingly valued to the property at Thirty six pounds currency, upon the
payment of which I very readily signed a Deed of manumission; and I can
have no hesitation in stating that I would be beneficial to the Estate if the whole
of the coloured women were disposed of, even at a smaller Sum; so useless are
they in the first instance, and so materially so their bad examples affect the black
slaves. a
I may be very brief in noticing the case of Thomas Fairburn as it bears some
analogy to that of Ann Conolly, and has been so frequently adverted to as to render
a recapitulation of its circumstances unnecessary. His case having become a subject
of public discussion many matters were developed which not only strengthened
his claim to Freedom, but reflected considerable discredit on Mr. Kirby and
Mr. Allan (late attornies), and excited much Interest in his favor. My attention was called to this
affair immediately after my arrival in the Island, but circumstances interfered
with my doing any thing definitively in the matter until after Conolly's manumission
had been recorded when I was again applied to. I consequently agreed that as
the two cases were so analogous (altho' that of Fairburn's bore features of a
more aggravated character)b I would accept of the sum as had been paid by
Conolly, and would upon the payment thereof give him his Freedom. This was
by no means approved of by Mr. Gremion (who has acted through the business in behalf
of Fairburn) altho' subscribed to and recommended by the chief Justice who
had been present when the affair was discussed before the assembly, and with
whom I had conversed on the subject. c I however declined any other terms and
Mr. Gremion at length agreed to submit to the arrangement; but as this took place
only a few days before my departure, and the Money was not forthcoming, the
matter still remains unsettled.
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8.36.
[Page 13]
13

Most of the Mulatta Women I found absent from the Estate, living in different
quarters of the Island; an indulgence which not only interfered with the prospect
of their coming forward to purchase their freedom, but was naturally calculated to
excite discontent among the other Slaves: I therefore ordered them to return immediately
to the property. This measure no doubt gave much dissatisfaction
but it had the effect of producing several applications for their purchase; the
first of which was from a Mr. Bird in behalf of Jane Fairburn aged about 32, and
her daughter Ann Julia aged about 12. He made application for their Freedom
some few years back and offered 150 pounds currency, at which estimate they were appraised
in April last; much in my opinion above their value, as the Mother has
her sight injured and is troubled with Saint Anthony's fire. This conveyance I
should have effected but for the illness of Mr. Bird which induced him to quit
the Island for America, and he had not returned when I left Antigua.
The next application was from Ellen Ward at the suggestion as I was informed
of Mr. Croke, but nothing further has as yet taken place than her appraisement
at 100 pounds currency. This woman should not be manumitted without her Mother, Lucy .
Eliza Bishop who had been much with Mrs. AllanAllan, David, Mrs. and who had latterly
formed a connection with her Nephew Mr. Henderson has also been appraised
at her own request at 95 pounds (cur)currency and I had frequent applications before I
left the Island for the reduction of this Sum; which I feel confident came
indirectly form Mrs. AllanAllan, David, Mrs. herself altho' signed by another name. This woman
gave me a considerable deal of trouble, and I found that Mr. Henderson
encouraged her disobedience, by enticing her off the Estate until
I was obliged at length to take effective means to prevent it. a
For the names and characters of the other Mulattas I refer to the general
List, as nothing has transpired with regard to them to call for any particular
remarks, and I fear that the property is likely to be encumbered
with them. The only benefit that can be looked for is to be derived from enforcing
a strict regard to the regulations of the Estate rather than conform to
which they will endevour to procure hire for their Services or perhaps effect
their freedom.
Two Moravian Missionaries had been in the habit of attending the Estate
alternately once a week for the purpose of giving Instruction to the young Negroes
but they had absented themselves for some time before my arrival and several
months elapsed before I became acquainted with the cause, which proved to
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8.37.
[Page 14]
14

be the removal of one of them and the consequent increase of duties which devolved
on the other. A Mulatto named John Irving belonging to Sanderson's assisted
in the Instruction of the children and continued to hear them read and
spell during the absence of the Missionaries and their competency is noticed against
their respective names in the General list of the Gang.
The Antipathy which has been so often noticed between the Sanderson's
and Lavington's Gangs, and which led to considerable apprehension that the
removal of part of the latter to this Estate would be attended with much trouble
and irritation, altho' not extinguished has in my opinion materially subsided a
and the measure so much desired and dreaded has been effected without any
serious indication of dissatisfaction on the part of those Slaves amounting to
82 in number now added to the Gang of this Estate b. The Houses in which they
are to reside were far in progress when I quitted Antigua and the spot on
which they are to stand together with the allotment of their several private provision
grounds is at the western part of the Estate near to the Works (see plan)
whereby they are separated from the old branch of the Sanderson's Gang, a
circumstance which contributed greatly to reconcile them to the removal, and
which they contemplated as an indulgence without being aware that I was particularly
desirous of establishing them in that quarter in order that immediate
assistance might be obtained in case of Fire at the Works. This desideratum
occurred to me when I first came on the Estate and observed that the Negroes were
living at the other extremity from that were the Works are situated.
By this addition to the Gang I conceive that Sanderson's Estate has now a very
efficient number of labourers, and Lavington's Estate has by the removal been relieved of
a superfluity of strength. It is rather remarkable that both Estates had the same number
of Slaves at the time I took charge of them, altho' Lavington's is much the smallest property.
The following is an Abstract of the Gang now at Sandersons.
Males | | | Females. | | | Total | Remarks |
Men (from 20 years & upwards) | Boys from infants to 20 y | Total | Women 20 & upwards | Girls from Infants to 20 | Total | Male & Female | |
46 | 59 | 10 | 77 | 51 | 128 | 233 | Number on Estate taking charge |
15 | 23 | 38 | 21 | 23 | 44 | 82 | Number removed from Lavingtons |
61 | 82 | 143 | 98 | 74 | 172 | 315 | add 3 increase by birth 318 |
Ann Conolly, manumitted leaves 317 in number
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8.38.
[Page figure]
8.39. Plan of the Houses and Grounds for the Negroes removed from Lavington's Estate
Note: Figure
Note. The space occupied by these Houses and Grounds take in part of piece No. 6 and is, with the spot on which
the Houses stand the most, and indeed the only indifferent piece of Land on the property, excepting the Hill in the
neighborhood of the Dwelling and the other Negro Houses. The part called a Swamp scarcely deserves that
name, and in a short time might be filled up: this in all probability would in the course of time be effected
by the Negroes. The Houses are on an elevated spot, where I had at first intended placing the Manager's
House, but I thought it might in some measure interfere with the working of the Windmill being to Windward
of it. The Negro Houses are 15 feet wide by 13 feet long externally, with a wall 1 1/2 feet thick leaving 40 feet
length inside. Distance from each other 30 feet end to end, and 25 feet in the rear. The Grounds are
40 feet square.
8.40.
[Page 15]
8.41. The Stock
15

The Cattle I found generally very bad, and their condition betrayed a further proof
of the ignorance, inattention, and neglect which had prevailed for years in the government
of the property. The Cows were mostly small and weak and many of them old
and the Calves with few exceptions appeared of a bad breed and to have been much neglected
The old story was of course revived as to the cause of their stinted growth, vist.
the depredations committed by the Garrison at Monk's Hill by milking the Cows, but it
was nevertheless evident that if proper means had been adopted the evil might have
been checked, if it could not have been totally removed; and the people in charge of the
stock in that quarter should have been punished for their neglect, or rather connivance
for I had good cause to suspect that they were participators in the roguery, and am
of opinion that the Garrison or others were occasionally indebted to this property for
Veal. To obviate this evil in future, or until other measures could be adopted I had
the Cows and Calves removed from Monk's Hill to Osborne's Estate, from whence they
are removed to, and penned during the night at Sandersons; and the benefit arising
from this measure, together with that of separating the calves from the cow and allowing
them to suck twice during the day until weaned, became manifest in a very short time
by their comparative health and strength. The Working Oxen were also in very bad
condition, and most of those bred on the property had been cut and yoked at too
early an age: So few, in fact, were capable of working that it became a serious consideration
how the crop was to be taken off and I was obliged to project the purchasing
some as soon as possible. A reference to the accompanying List will more clearly
shew the number and character of the Stock in general on the Estate when I took charge
with the Increase and Decrease up to the time of my departure from the Island, than
any further observation I need advance here: I will therefore only notice such
other arrangements that I have adopted and recommend for the future welfare of this
particular department of the property.
The contiguity of Osbornes Estate to Sandersons renders it very eligible as
a pasture for its Cattle, but my views with respect to Osbornes which will appear
in their proper place) interfere with the whole of it remaining in its present state.
I might otherwise be induced to recommend the disposal of Monk's Hill Estate if
a purchase could be met with, and keeping Osbornes solely as a Pen for the
Stock. Under circumstances however Monks Hill can only appropriated to
______________________________________________
8.42.
8.43.
[Page 16]
16

the young weaned and weak Cattle unless a confidential and active person
had the charge also of the Cows and Calves kept there, which I certainly
recommend, and this suggestion is linked with other considerations which will
shew themselves when I come to treat of that Estate. Under this Head I shall
only add, that with judicious arrangements and attention in a few years
this property ought to receive a considerable revenues by the Sale of Cattle
instead of its expenses being annually increased by purchasing for its cultivation.
Having regarded some circumstances connected with the poverty
and weakness of the Cattle generally. I am now led to notice another material
cause under a separate head;
In the course of my visits to several of the West India Islands it has been a matter
of much surprise to me that so much neglect should prevail in not keeping the
Carts in even tolerable order, and I have frequently had occasion to notice the very
material injury to the Cattle from this circumstance alone. It is by no means unusual
to see Carts heavily laden, with the Axles or Boxes so much worn, or out of
order as to check the revolution of the Wheels, and the Negroes goading the poor beasts
to induce them to proceed. I have seen as many as fourteen and in one instance at
Barbadoes sixteen Cattle drawing a small two Wheeled Cart in this situation.
The Carts are generally much to light for the loads they are frequently required
to carry over Roads which are mostly bad or indifferent in this Country, and in
cases where the Shipping place is far from the Estate, the frequent journies in
carting to and from it, very much distress the Cattle. This might be materially
obviated where Horses are kept for ploughing, as they could occasionally assist
in carting, and the four wheeled light wagon thus brought into use would convey
twice or three times the load in one trip. It has been already remarked that
Parham is the Shipping place for Estates in this neighborhood and the Road
to it is kept in very good order, as is also that from Lavington's Estate to Willoughby
Bay. Having therefore projected the working of Houses in future on this
Estate I am the further induced to recommend the use of a good waggon for
the purpose of conveying the Stores from, and the Sugar to the Shipping place and
one of a lighter description for the ordinary plantation purposes. I have established
a weak Gang of Negroes to be employed occasionally in breaking Stones and keeping
the Roads and Ranges of the Estate in good order, which will greatly ease the
labor of the Stock, and check the injury which Carts have hitherto sustained.
So shamefully out of order were they when I took charge of the property, and deficient
in number, that we could not get the canes conveyed to the Mill fast enough.
8.44.
[Page 18]
8.45. Osborne's Estate
18

.
This property is estimated to contain 217 Acres, and is situated to the
Southward and Westward of Sanderson's Estate separated from it only
by part of Duers Estate by which both are partially bounded. The land is
generally good and it has the reputation of having made excellent Sugar when
it was in Cane cultivation many years ago. The ruins of the Windmill and Boiling
House are still to be seen, and the allotments of the grounds for the Negroes
as also the foundations of some of their Hutts may also be traced. For many years
this property has been regarded only as a pasture without the ordinary measures
having been adopted to establish any thing like a grazing Farm, and the Cattle
have been merely driven backwards and forwards daily and penned during the
night at Sanderson's. So much indeed has it been neglected, that it has not only
become common thoroughfare for foot passengers in various directions but Carriages
have trespassed in order to avoid a bad piece of the public road by which
it is bounded to the Southward, or to cut off an angle; and the boundaries
were consequently becoming questionable.
The accompanying plan will convey a tolerably correct idea of its extent
and character, altho' laid down partly hypothetically as time and circumstances
allowed me only to measure and establish the northern boundary line.
A very considerable quantity of Stones are dispersed in different directions
establishing the most important boundary to the Southward.
I have projected the cultivation of a part of this property which I propose
putting in provisions, at all events at first, whereby a larger portion of the land
at Sanderson's may be planted in Canes. This measure will be a task of
much labor but will I have no doubt prove highly beneficial in the end, and
there will still remain, with judicious arrangements, sufficient land for
pasturage which I propose having partly planted in Guinea Grass.
I have obtained permission of the Attorney of Duer's Estate to make a Road
over that property from Sanderson's, otherwise it would be desirable to obtain
by purchase the small piece of land which separates the two Estates.
It may be here remarked that the residences of the Negroes removed from
Lavington's Estate being so much nearer to Osbornes than those of the main body
of the Gang, they will be more particularly devoted to the work of this Estate
and the separate duties of the two branches will excite emulation.
_________________________________________________
8.46.
[Page figure]
8.47. Plan of Osborne's Estate.
Note: [Two Figures]
8.48. A Sketch of the RUINS from station * with a different view of Monk's Hill Estate, between the Trees
8.49.
[Page 20]
8.50. Lavington's Estate
20

This property is situated about two miles and half in a South easterly direction
from Sandersons and midway between it, and Willoughby Bay which is the
usual Shipping place for Estates in the neighborhood. The full extent of
Lavington's Estate is estimated at only 185 acres, but the land is generally
good and if in tolerable heart with judicious management would no doubt
for its size be very productive and contribute materially to make up an average
Crop from the two Estates of from 450 to 500 Hogsheads. The prevailing
character of the Soil is a black mould and clay on a substratum of
marl which here and there shows itself on the surface. The following
Statement of the contents and quality of each piece will not only convey a
clearer conception of the general character of the property, but will further
illustrate the annexed plan.
No. of Piece | Contents | | | Remarks. |
| A | R | P | |
1 | 12 | 0 | 10 | Very Good-The Easternmost part (about one third) has a surface of good marl on a declivity to the Westward; the remainder good black mould on a substratum of marl and clay. It may be considered the best piece on the property. |
2 | 8 | 0 | 24 | Good-About half of this piece to the northward and bounding the road is Marl, deepening to the Southward, under a surface of good black loam. |
3 | 8 | 1 | 3 | Very Good-Westermost end hilly, but surface good Marl with the exception of a small piece in the South Western corner which is a quarry. The principal part of the piece is black Marl. |
4 | 7 | 0 | 23 | Good-Westermost part hilly but cultivable, in other respects may be classed with the above No. 3. |
5 | 7 | 2 | 33 | Very Good-Small portion of the Western part Hilly. Fine black mould on a substratum of Marl. |
6 | 8 | 1 | 34 | D:The northermost boundary line of this piece intersects a hill of marl, the other part may be classed with No. 5. |
7 | 8 | 2 | 1 | D:A considerable portion of this piece is a Marl Hill but of a cultivable and good quality, to the westward black loam, may be classed with the above. |
8 | 9 | 0 | 27 | D:Has a portion of Hill to the (N.W.)Northwest but the declivity is gentle and the Land is all good of the character of the two East pieces. |
9 | 11 | 0 | 24 | Good-The South western part is hilly and is subject to occasional washes. The soil is chiefly Marl and small stones and to the Eastward a light gritty mould. |
10 | 5 | 1 | 3 | Middling-The westward part hilly declining to the Eastward with a soil similar to the above No. 9. This piece I found out of cultivation: it is now planted in Potatoes. |
11 | 6 | 3 | 38 | D:May be classed with the above(8 & 9) a mixture of Marl and gritty mould. This piece was also in pasture when I took charge of the property. I planted pidgeon peas in it as a preliminary to dressing it for future cultivation. |
12 | 8 | 1 | 38 | Very Good-Has a gentle declivity from the (NW)Northwest. It is a very fine piece of land, rich black mould on a substratum of Marl. |
13 | 8 | 2 | 16 | D:May be classed generally with the above (No. 12) |
14 | 3 | 2 | 22 | Middling-These two pieces are Hilly, composed of Marl, with small stones. In want of manure. |
15 | 1 | 3 | 8 | |
16 | 11 | 0 | 24 | Very Good-These three pieces may be classed together. The soil is a firm deep, black mould on a substratum of Clay, and their situation is very good. |
17 | 8 | 0 | 14 | |
18 | 8 | 3 | 2 | |
19 | 8 | 0 | 6 | This piece is set apart for the Negroes provision grounds. |
20 | 2 | 2 | 36 | Middling-This piece has been hitherto called 'Round Hill,' and is the spot where the Blacksmith's Shop formerly stood, the ruin of which I have had cleared, and have planted it in potatoes. |
21 | 2 | 3 | 36 | Indifferent-Hilly, principally marl and light gritty mould, was covered by Bushes and Stones when I took charge of the Estate, which have been cleared, and it is now planted in Yams. |
22 | 2 | 0 | 0 | D:Top of Hill, cleared and planted in Guinea Corn with the above. |
23 | 1 | 1 | 38 | D:side of same Hill. Cleared and planted in yams, with the above. |
24 | 2 | 3 | 14 | Middling-This piece is Hill side of a marl nature, may be classed with 14 & 15. cleared of bushes and stones and planted in Yams with the above. |
- | 21 | 2 | 6 | Works, Intervals, ponds &c. |
Total | 185 | 0 | 0 | |
8.51.
[Page]
8.52. Plan of Lavingtons Estate (figure)
8.53.
[Page 21]
21

By foregoing statement and annexed plan of the Estate it will be seen that
I have taken into cultivation a considerable portion of land that had been
lying waste; for although the greater part of it had received the name of
pasture it was so much covered by bushes and stones and its declivities are
so steep in some parts that little or no benefit could have been derived from it as grazing
land. The same want of attention and ability as noticed at Sandersons
was equally apparent here, with the exception of such measures as had been
adopted within a few months by the person whom I found in charge as Manager
(a Mr. C. Favey). Many pieces of land had not been manured at all
for several years, and others had only been partially assisted; the same
deception had been practiced by manuring the sides of the pieces; in short
with the exception of the Estate being considerably more free from Weeds than
Sandersons at the time I took charge of it, I may say that the same deficiencies
were manifest at Lavingtons altho' in some few instances the Manager
had provided for the supply; and the part of the land for Crop in 1825 that was
prepared, betrayed a greater knowledge of Plantership than had been exercised
in its' government for many years. The Estate was evidently forward
in its work for the ensuing crop, nor could it well be otherwise with an immense
Gang of Negroes 233 in number which were rather an incumbrance
than otherwise to this small and compact property.
8.54.
[Page 22]
8.55. The Works, Dwelling and Offices, Hospital &c.
22

The works consist of the ordinary and necessary Buildings on a Sugar Plantation
and are well situated on the northern part of the property; but their
individual character is extremely inconvenient; the Boiling House, Curing
House, Still House &c instead of being connected are all separated, as will
be seen by a reference to the plan; and the present residence of the Manager
(formerly a loft) is immediately over the curing House which is not
only very inconvenient, but the steam from the Sugar renders it
and unhealthy: nor is the situation in other respects so good as that
where the dwelling formerly stood which commands a view of the whole
of the Works, Negroes Houses, and the Estate generally. The House
that formerly stood here was destroyed in a Hurricane.
The Windmill is a very good one but I found the iron Rollers so much
worn that I was apprehensive we should not be able to take off the
crop without replacing them, and the Bridge-tree was also quite
rotten. Fortunately we succeeded in taking the crop off without either
totally failing, and new Rollers have been since substituted and the
other necessary repairs effected.
The Still House required shingling and some other repairs of a
trifling nature which have been also done. The Hospital I conceived
to be much too small and confined. I therefore ordered that it might
be enlarged and I adopted such approved regulations as had been usual
at Sandersons, with such others as I deemed expedient; and it may be here
proper to remark that I at first felt convinced that it was material without
loss of time to place both properties under the same regulations and
to shew an equal regard to the comforts and proper government of each
Gang. To the want of this arrangement (even in matters of trifling import)
I attributed many of those circumstances which have proved so prejudicial
to the Estates; I by no means approved of each property having
a separate Medical Attendant, altho' I felt at first some degree of
delicacy in making any alteration in this particular until the neglect
on the part of the person acting for Sandersons compelled me to supercede
him. I had however previously seen Doctor Hodges who had
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8.56.
[Page Figure]
8.57. Southeasterly (SEy) View of the Dwelling, Works, &c. (figure)
8.58. Plan of the Dwelling, Works &c. (figure)
8.59.
[Page 23]
23

long been in charge of the medical department at Lavingtons and he had agreed
to conform to the requisitions I made, altho' in a way by no means calculated
to induce me to increase his responsibility by giving him the appointment at Sanderson's
also: he shewed some surprise and dissatisfaction when I required of him to
visit the Estate regularly and twice in each week, and indeed I was as much
surprised when I found that he had hitherto consulted his own convenience. His
subsequent neglect, together with other circumstances which will be noticed under
another head would have induced me to supercede him had not his death
vacated the appointment; which I transferred to Doctor Odlum who had in
the mean time been appointed to Sandersons. Both Estates are now under
the same regulations in this particular department.
Next to the Hospital has also been established a comfortable and convenient
Lying in Room; whereby the measure of sending the Women to Sandersons as
heretofore is suspended a.
A new and substantial Magoss House, and a Dungeon, have been built
and the Cattle pen which was so small and inconvenient as scarcely to
deserve the name, has been considerably enlarged and a covering for
the Cattle supported by stone pillars added to it.
There is no Cattle Mill on this property, nor is one required.
I have now merely to observe under this head, that with the exception of a Manager's
House (which may be built at leisure) no other Buildings are required on this property as
the Rooms he now occupies over the Curing House will then be appropriated to their
former use as a Loft or Store with the exception of a part which is engaged by the
Overseer for whom a House would be required if the Manager was to continue
where he now is b. The other Buildings are all in good repair; and if my expectations
be fulfilled (with such measures as I further propose in the internal government
of the property) Lavington's Estate will in 1825, pay its own Colonial expenses
or nearly, and feed its Negroes and in succeeding years have a surplus
of Rum and Molasses and an increase of Sugar.
________________________________________________
8.60.
[Page 24]
8.61. Negroe's Houses
7

The Houses for the Lavington's Gang are well situated and were formerly laid
out at proper distances from each other, but from the increase of the Gang or from
an insufficiency in number at first other Huts have been built in the intervening
spaces without any regard to order or security from Fire, and they are now very
confined and consequently in a degree unhealthy. The recent removal of 82 of the
Gang to Sandersons will admit of the ranges being again opened by pulling down
the superfluous Houses. Most of them are now in good order.
With the exception of the individual character of the Negroes composing the
Lavington's Gang (of which a tolerably correct idea may be formed by a reference
to the annexed List) I do not feel myself called upon to say much
respecting them as all that I have advanced regarding the Sanderson's
Negroes may be applied to those whom I found on this property with this
exception only that a much larger share of insubordination had shewed
itself among the latter, and that they gave me a considerable deal more
trouble; but they had latterly behaved extremely well.
The number on the property when I took charge of it was 233 of whom
there were 7 Mulattos and Mestees among the Males, and 6 Mulattas and
Mestees among the Females. One of the latter a Girl named Maria aged 8
years has been since appraised at 30 pounds currency, and manumitted. Her mother
named Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly (another of the above 6) died on the 9th of August under
circumstances which are noticed at length in a paper accompanying this
report being the minutes of an Investigation taken before two Magistrates
at the instance of Mr. Attley who was at the time of her decease acting for
me during my absence at Saint Vincent: I shall therefore merely observe
here that this Woman who was the Mother of several of the abovementioned
Mestees had been in the habit of going off the property (to visit a man with
whom she had long cohabited) taking her children with her without permission
8.62.
[Page 25]
25

and the Manager had repeatedly required of her to conform to the regulations
I had adopted on both Estates, to no purpose: she remained refractory
up to the time of her disease. This circumstance led to the discovery that
Doctor Hodges had not attended the Estate regularly as he had agreed to do
and I also ascertained that it had not been usual to report in the Sick Book
the nature of the complaint of which a patient had died, which very much excited
my surprise and which has become a standing regulation in the Sick Book
for the future.
The following is an abstract of the number and character of Negroes on
the Estate on the 1st March, with the decrease by removal, manumission and
death up to 31st August 1824.
Males | | | Females | | | Total | Remarks |
Men from 20 upwards | Boys from Infants to 20 | Total | Women from 20 upwards | Girls from Infants to 20 | Total | Males and Females | |
47 | 52 | 99 | 69 | 65 | 134 | 233 | Number on Estate 1st March 1824 |
| 1 | 1 | | 4 | 4 | 5 | Increase by Birth |
47 | 53 | 100 | 69 | 69 | 138 | 238 | Total |
Deduct 19 | 25 | 44 | 25 | 24 | 49 | 93 | Decrease by Removal &c. * |
Remain 28 | 28 | 56 | 44 | 45 | 89 | 145 | Total on the 31st Aug |
8.63.
[Page 26]
8.64. The Cattle
26

The Cattle on this Estate are from time to time exchanged for others from the
general Stock at Sandersons as they became weak and require recruiting, consequently
the observations already made respecting the Cattle at Sandersons
apply equally to those that may be on this Estate: and a list of the number
and character here on the 31st August is annexed with a view of giving an idea
of the ordinary number employed, together with the Horses and Mules attached
to the property.
It may be necessary to observe that Monks Hill Estate which
was derived from Lavingtons and is more usually called Lavington's pasture,
having been long appropriated as a receptacle of the Cattle from both
Estates, no sort of order has been maintained and the respective managers
at Lavingtons have sent Cattle there and brought others back at their will,
consequently many abuses have been introduced, and no sort of correct
estimate could have been kept. The distance of Monks Hill from Lavington's
is considerably greater than that from Sandersons and as the latter
Estate will always be the Headquarters of the responsible person in charge
of the several properties, much trouble and great saving must accrue
from Lavington's Estate receiving its supplies from thence, and the number
and condition of the Cattle will come under one general Return.
There are a Horse, an old Poney, and four Mules very old, attached to
the Estate.
The Carts are in good order, consisting of two for Cattle and one for Mules.
_______________________
8.65.
[Page 29]
8.66. Monks Hill Estate
29

.
This property is an extensive range of mountain land in pasture estimated at
172 Acres bounded to the Southward by an abrupt declivity overlooking
the Town of Falmouth, and commanded to the right or (SW)Southwest by Monks Hill
Fort which may be estimated between 5 and 600 feet from the surface of the Sea.
Bodkins Estate bounds it to the Southward and the distance from Sandersons
to this boundary line is about 2 miles and half. It was many years back
in cultivation and the ruins of the Windmill are still standing. Near to
this spot was the occasional residence of the late Mr. Gordon which was
destroyed some years ago in a Hurricane and the foundation of it now forms
part of the Pen in which the Cattle are lodged during the night.
The contiguity of the Garrison to this pasture (it has been stated) has led
to many depredations among the Cattle and the only plan that can be
adopted to obviate the evil (if it is to be appropriated as a Breeding Pen
for which it is well adapted) is to commit the charge of it to a person who can
be depended upon in lieu of the Slaves who have hitherto been appointed to the
care of the Cattle kept here, and who have no doubt been negligent in their duty
if they have not been participators in the Roguery. The person I would propose
would be considered as one of the number of white Servants required
for Sandersons Estate in reduction of the Taxes, where he might occasionally
act, and to whose care the charge of the Cattle generally might be committed.
8.67.
[Page 31]
8.68. Conclusion
31

The communications I have made from time to time respecting
these properties, and circumstances connected with my proceedings, render
it unnecessary that I should go into further detail in noticing matters
which have so long inimical to their prosperity, and brought
them to the disgraceful condition in which I found them: and in contemplating
their future good government I should be increasing the
bulk of this Report beyond all reasonable limits if I were to
attempt to touch upon the innumerable features which must in my
opinion constitute the whole system of their internal government:
and as my views and opinions may be different to those of
other persons, the support of such measures as I have established
(which it is more the purpose of this Report to detail) and the
completion of others that are in progress, as well as the future
adoption of such as may be further necessary to their welfare:
must be left to the person or persons on whom the charge of
them may hereafter devolve.
___________________________________
8.69.
[Page unnumbered]
8.70. Appendix

___________________________________
___________________________________
8.70.1.
[Page 35]
8.70.3. List and description of Slaves, on Sandersons Estate. 5th March 1824

List and description of , on . 5th March 1824.
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church, Methodist or Moravian | Single or Married | Remarks |
Charles | 76 | | African | | Married | Superannuated. lastly Ruptured |
Frank | 59 | Field and Mill Feeder | Creole | | Single | |
Quaco | 56 | Distiller | " | Methodist | " | |
Gloud | 56 | 2nd Driver | " | Church | Married | a good Character |
Natty | 54 | Field | " | Methodist | Single | |
Cuffy | 53 | D: | " | " | " | |
Jackey | 52 | D: | " | " | " | |
[start of snippet to copy] Harry | 52 | D: | " | | " | |
Sackey | 51 | 1st Carpenter | " | Methodist | Methodist | a good Character |
Pero | 51 | Carpenter | " | Church | " | |
Bob …M | 50 | | " | Methodist | " | Superannuated |
James …M | 49 | Cattle Keeper | " | " | " | |
Dick …M | 48 | Carpenter | " | Church | " | Deformed |
Tom | 46 | Field | " | Methodist | Single | |
Kitt | 46 | D: | " | " | Married | |
Billy | 46 | | " | | Single | Infirm and very diseased |
Joe | 44 | Head Driver | " | Moravian | Married | a good character |
Marlborough | 44 | Mason and Boiler | " | Methodist | " | |
Allick | 44 | Cattle Keeper | " | " | " | |
Clinton | 43 | Hatchman | " | " | Single | lastly Ruptured |
William | 42 | asst. Distiller and Field | " | | " | |
Glasgow | 42 | 2nd Carpenter | " | Church | Married | Ruptured |
Primus | 42 | Field | " | Methodist | " | |
George | 41 | D: | " | " | " | Ruptured |
Ned | 36 | Ploughman | " | Moravian | " | good ploughman-drinks |
Andrew | 36 | Ranger | " | Church | " | and excellent Character |
London | 36 | Field | " | Methodist | " | |
Jerry | 36 | 1st Mason | " | Church | " | |
John Gordon Gordon, John | 36 | 1st Cooper | " | " | Single | |
Natt | 36 | Groom | " | | " | bow legged and deformed |
Phill | 36 | 2nd Plough | " | Methodist | Married | |
Quamin | 36 | Watchman | " | Moravian | Single | Chamaho |
John Darby Darby, John | 34 | Cattle Keeper | " | " | " | |
Gagg | 33 | Field | " | Church | Married | |
John Hart Hart, John | 32 | D: | " | Moravian | " | Deformed |
Quashey | 31 | D: | " | Methodist | Single | ? |
Kitt | 31 | Carpenter | " | Church | Married | |
James | 31 | Carter | " | Methodist | " | |
Billy | 29 | Mason | " | " | " | |
Quaw | 27 | 1st Distiller | " | Church | Single | |
John Irvine M | 27 | Sadler, Schoolmaster | " | " | " | |
James Allan M | 24 | with the Carpenter | " | Methodist | " | The Man had been all his life and Idler, just with the Carpenter by Mr. Johnson. |
Natty | 23 | Field | " | | " | able man |
Edward | 21 | D: | " | | " | |
George Ablett Ablett, George | 21 | Carter | " | Moravian | " | |
Note: M after the Name denotes Mulatto or Mulatta or Mestee. The Children are classed under the head of Religion with their parents.
8.70.4.
[Page 36]
36

Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church, Methodist or Moravian | Single or Married | Remarks |
Jack | 20 | Home Servant | Creole | | Single | |
Guy | 19 | Carpenter | " | | " | |
Thomas | 19 | D: and Carter | " | Methodist | " | |
Sam | 19 | Carter and Plough | " | | " | |
Solomon | 19 | D: | | Methodist | " | |
Joe | 18 | Weeding Gang | " | " | " | also reads the Bible |
Benjamin | 17 | Blacksmith | " | Moravian | " | |
Nickey | 17 | Weeding | " | Methodist | " | |
Pompey | 17 | Cooper | " | " | " | reads the Bible the best |
Richard | 17 | Weeding | " | " | " | |
Crecious | 17 | Cooper | " | " | " | Reads the Bible |
Joe | 16 | Weeding | " | " | " | |
Cuffy | 16 | D: | " | | " | Reads the Bible |
Billy | 14 | Overseer's servant | " | | " | |
Darey | 14 | Weeding | " | Moravian | " | |
Polydore | 14 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Providence | 14 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Toney | 12 | D: | " | " | " | |
Joesph | 12 | D: | " | Church | " | |
Thomas | 12 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Glasgow | 12 | D: | " | " | " | |
Oxford | 11 | attending sheep | " | " | " | can say Lord's prayer or a Belief |
Gloud | 10 | attending Cattle | " | " | " | |
Henry John M | 10 | | " | | " | |
Quashey | 9 | attending Cattle | " | " | " | |
Prince | 9 | D: | " | " | " | |
James | 9 | D: | " | " | " | |
Peterson | 9 | D: | " | " | " | reads the Bible |
Ben | 8 | Grass Gang | " | " | " | |
Ned | 8 | D: | " | " | " | |
Cudjoe | 8 | D: | " | " | " | can say Lord's prayer or a Belief |
George Vernon Vernon, George | 8 | D: | " | " | " | d. d. d. |
Dover | 7 | D: | | " | " | |
Richard | 7 | D: | " | " | " | |
Richard Edwards Edwards, Richard | 7 | D | " | " | " | |
Daniel Carty Carty, Daniel | 7 | D: | " | " | " | can say Lord's prayer or a Belief and spells words of one syllable |
Christopher M | 7 | | " | | " | |
Quamina | 7 | Grass Gang | " | Moravian | " | |
Joseph | 7 | D: | " | " | " | d. d. d. |
(Sam William M) | 7 | | " | | " | |
(Daniel Frederick M) | 6 | | " | | " | |
Philander | 6 | Grass Gang | " | Moravian | " | can say Lord's prayer or a Belief |
Sam | 6 | D: | " | " | " | d. d. d. |
Frederick | 6 | D: | " | " | " | d. d. d. |
William | 6 | Infant | " | | " | |
Philip | 5 | D: | " | | " | |
Edward | 4 | D: | " | | " | |
John …M | 4 | D: | " | | " | Died (Aug)August 1824 Dropsey |
Glasgow | 3 | D: | " | | " | |
8.70.5.
[Page 37]
37

Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church, Methodist or Moravian | Single or Married | Remarks |
Oxford | 3 | Infant | Creole | | | |
Jerry | 3 | D: | " | | | |
Nero | 2 | D: | " | | | |
William | 2 | D: | " | | | |
Quashey | 1 | D: | " | | | |
James Adam Adam, James | 1 | D: | " | | | |
Davey | 1 | D: | " | | | |
James | 8 mo | D: | " | | | |
Thomas | 5 mo | D: | " | | | |
Frederick | 5 mo | D: | " | | | |
Females
Lydia | 76 | | African | Methodist | Single | Superannuated and blind |
Cumba | 66 | | Creole | " | " | Superannuated |
Quasheba | 66 | | " | " | " | D: |
Matilda | 66 | | African | Church | " | D: |
Nanny | 66 | | Creole | " | " | D: |
Quasheba | 66 | | " | Methodist | " | D: |
Peggy | 64 | | " | " | " | D: and blind |
Mimba | 62 | | " | " | " | D: |
Elsey | 62 | | African | " | " | D: |
Hagar | 60 | | Creole | Church | Married | |
Doll | 59 | | " | | Single | Superannuated and lame |
Mimba | 59 | attends Copper holes | " | Methodist | " | |
Beak | 59 | attends Sheep | African | Church | Married | |
Present | 59 | Nurse to women and children | Creole | Methodist | " | |
Pricilla | 56 | Sick Nurse | " | " | Single | |
Hannah | 56 | Weeding | " | " | Married | |
Juba | 50 | Midwife | " | " | Single | |
Eve | 51 | Water Carrier | " | " | Married | |
Quasheba | 51 | Weeding | " | Church | Single | |
Cumba | 51 | Water Carrier | " | Methodist | Married | does not have children |
Susannah | 51 | Cook to overseer | " | | Single | Mother of John Frome, Bell Frome, Jane Frome |
Rosey …M | 50 | | " | | " | |
Hannah | 50 | Weeding | " | Methodist | " | |
Ann | 50 | D: | " | " | Married | |
Suchey | 49 | | " | | Single | Superannuated, blind |
Silvia | 48 | Field | " | " | Married | has 4 children ? |
Lucy …M | 47 | | " | " | Single | Mother of James Allan and Ellen Ward |
Molly Brown Brown, Molly | 46 | Field | " | " | Married | has 4 children ? |
Grace | 46 | D: | " | " | Single | |
Rachael | 46 | D: | " | Moravian | Married | 1 child |
Molly | 46 | Camp Nurse | " | Methodist | " | 4 children 2 alive |
Phoebe | 46 | was herd woman | " | " | " | 4 children 2 alive |
Priss | 44 | D: | " | " | Single | paralyte |
Sophia | 46 | Nurse | " | " | " | paralyte |
Grace | 44 | D: | " | " | Marred | 9 children 5 alive |
Phillis | 44 | D: | " | Moravian | " | 5 children 5 alive |
Catherine | 44 | D: | " | Methodist | " | 9 children 5 alive |
8.70.6.
[Page 38]
38

Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church, Moravian, or Methodist | Single or Married | No. of Children | | | Remarks |
| | | | | | alive | dead | total | |
Phillis | 44 | Weeding | Creole | Church | Married | 4 | 4 | 8 | Crazy |
Sally | 42 | Field | " | Methodist | " | 5 | 4 | 9 | |
Sally Ablett Ablett, Sally | 42 | D: | " | Moravian | " | 5 | 3 | 8 | |
Grace | 42 | D: | " | Methodist | Single | 3 | 5 | 8 | |
Betty | 42 | D: | " | Moravian | Married | 4 | 2 | 6 | (pregt)pregnant |
Chloe | 42 | Driver Grass Gang | " | Methodist | " | | | | |
Judy | 42 | Weeding | " | Church | " | 5 | | 5 | |
Violet | 40 | | " | " | Single | | | | Scorbutic, superannuated |
Penny | 36 | Field | " | " | " | | 1 | 1 | |
Sarey | 34 | Washer | " | Methodist | Married | 2 | | 2 | |
Quasheba | 34 | Field | " | Moravian | " | | | | |
Frankey | 31 | | " | Church | Single | | | | Scorbutic, superannuated |
Jane Fairburn M | 31 | | " | | " | | | | |
Sally | 29 | Field | " | Methodist | Married | 1 | | 1 | (pregt)pregnant |
Ann | 29 | D: | " | " | " | 3 | 2 | 5 | |
Miah | 29 | D: | " | " | Single | 1 | 1 | 2 | |
Bella | 29 | D: | " | " | " | 4 | 1 | 5 | |
Elsey | 29 | D: | " | " | Married | 1 | 1 | 2 | |
Ashey | 29 | D: | " | Moravian | " | 1 | 3 | 4 | |
Madge | 28 | D: | " | Church | " | 4 | 1 | 5 | The Ranger's Wife |
Elizabeth | 28 | D: | " | Methodist | " | 4 | | 4 | (pregt)pregnant |
Abby | 28 | D: | " | " | " | 3 | 3 | 6 | (pregt)pregnant |
Abby | 28 | D: | " | " | " | 2 | 2 | 4 | |
Louisa | 28 | D: | " | " | " | 3 | 1 | 4 | |
Nancy …M | 28 | | " | " | Single | | | | |
Miah | 27 | Field | " | " | Married | 2 | | 2 | |
Lydia | 27 | D: | " | " | " | 3 | 1 | 4 | |
Rebecca | 27 | D: | " | " | Single | 1 | 2 | 3 | |
Pamelia | 27 | D: | " | Moravian | Married | | 4 | 4 | |
Jane Irvine M | 25 | | " | | Single | | | | |
Eliza BishopM | 25 | | " | | " | | | | |
Mary …M | 25 | | " | | " | | | | |
Ann Conolly M | 24 | | " | | " | | | | Manumitted 19 May 1834 |
Miah | 24 | Field | " | Methodist | Married | 1 | 1 | 2 | |
Nancy | 22 | D: | " | " | " | 2 | | 2 | |
Lenor | 22 | D: | " | " | " | | | | |
Charity | 22 | D: | " | " | " | 1 | | 1 | |
Mary | 22 | D: | " | Moravian | Single | | | | |
Lucy | 20 | D; | " | Methodist | " | | | | |
Philba | 20 | Weeding | | " | " | | | | subject to fits |
Melia | 19 | Field | " | Church | " | | | | |
(Ellen Ward) M | 19 | | " | Methodist | " | | | | |
Sue | 18 | Field | " | " | " | | | | (pregt)pregnant |
Betsey | 18 | D: | " | " | " | | | | |
Amelia | 17 | D: | " | Church | " | | | | |
Bell Irvine M | 17 | | " | | " | | | | Died |
Jenny | 16 | Field | " | Methodist | " | | | | |
Quasheba | 16 | Weeding | " | " | " | | | | |
Nelly | 16 | D: | " | " | " | | | | |
Present | 15 | D; | " | " | " | | | | |
8.70.7.
[Page 39]
39

Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church, Moravian or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks | | |
Chloe | 15 | (Attend.)Attending Overseer | Creole | Church | Single | wealkly | | |
Lucy | 13 | Weeding | " | Methodist | " | | | |
Nannett | 13 | D: | " | Church | " | | | |
Louisa | 13 | D: | " | Methodist | " | | | |
Joan | 13 | D: | " | " | " | | | |
Beneba | 1 | D: | " | " | " | | | |
Dinah | 11 | D: | " | " | " | | | |
Harriett | 11 | D: | " | " | " | | | |
Ann Julia…M | 10 | | " | | " | daughter of Jane Fairburn | | |
Morah | 10 | Weeding | " | Methodist | " | | | |
Polly | 10 | D: | " | " | " | | | |
Chloe | 9 | D: | " | " | " | | | |
Betsy | 9 | Grass Gang | " | Moravian | " | | | |
Mary Ann …M | 9 | | " | | " | daughter of Nancy | | |
Daphne | 8 | Grass Gang | " | Methodist | " | | | |
Catherine | 8 | D: | " | " | " | | | |
Margaret | 8 | D: | " | Moravian | " | Can say the Lord's prayer & Belief | | |
Elizabeth | 8 | D: | " | Methodist | " | | | |
Charlotte | 8 | D: | " | Moravian | " | | | |
Hannah | 7 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Rachael Roberts Roberts, Rachel | 6 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Eliza | 6 | D: | " | | " | Can say the Lord's prayer & Belief | | |
Margaret | 6 | D: | " | | | D: D: D: | | |
Mary Ann | 6 | D: | " | | " | D: D: D: | | |
Ann | 5 | D: | " | | " | D: D: D: | | |
Violet | 5 | Infant | " | | " | | | |
Lenah | 5 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Margaret …M | 5 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Plaucey | 5 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Sarah | 5 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Dolly | 4 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Betty York York, Betty | 4 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Bess | 3 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Sarah | 3 | D: | " | | " | | | |
Lydia | 2 and 9 mo. | D: | " | | " | | | |
Madlane | 2 and 3 mo. | D: | " | | " | | | |
Joan | 2 and 1mo. | D: | " | | " | | | |
Ellenor | 1 and 11 mo. | D: | " | | " | | | |
Beneba | 1 and 3 mo. | D: | " | | " | | | |
Elsey | 13 mo. | D: | " | | " | | | |
Betsey | 5 mo. | D: | " | | " | | | |
| | | | | | | | |
Recapitulation
Males- From 20 years and upwards....46
Boys from 6 to 19 inclusive....44
Infants................................15 105
Females- From 20 years and upwards....77
Girls from 6 to 19 inclusive....34
Infants................................17 128
Total on Sandersons Est: March 1824...233
8.70.8.
[Page 40]
8.70.9. List and description of Eighty-two Slaves removed by Johnson from Lavingtons Estate to Sandersons Estate, September 1824
40

List and description of Eighty-two Slaves removed by Mr. JohnsonJohnson, John
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church, Moravian or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks |
Joe | 56 | Watchman | " | " | Married | |
Oxford | 54 | Mason | " | Church | Single | |
Joney | 52 | Smith | " | Moravian | Married | |
Quashey | 39 | Field | " | " | Single | |
Cuffy | 41 | D: | " | " | Married | |
Sandy Fairburn Fairburn, Sandy | 34 | Cooper | " | Methodist | " | |
Nacco | 27 | Driver | " | Moravian | " | |
Batchelor | 26 | Field | " | " | " | |
Jacob | 26 | D: | " | Methodist | Single | |
Natty | 23 | D: | " | | " | |
Sam | 22 | Cook | " | Methodist | Married | |
Joshua | 22 | Field | " | " | Single | |
Caesar | 20 | D: | " | " | " | |
Prince | 20 | D: | " | " | " | |
Thomas | 19 | D: | " | " | " | |
Joe | 15 | D; | " | Methodist | " | |
James | 15 | D: | " | " | " | |
Joe Gibson Gibson, Joe | 13 | with Carpenter | " | " | " | Son of late Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly |
Davis | 12 | Field | " | " | " | |
Thomas | 11 | D: | " | " | " | |
Henry Evans Evans, Henry | 10 | | " | " | " | Son of late Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly |
Quaw | 10 | Field | " | " | " | |
Richard | 9 | Weeding | " | " | " | |
William Cuffy Cuffy, William | 9 | D: | " | " | " | |
Cudjoe | 8 | Grass Gang | " | " | " | |
John Mason | 7 | D: | " | " | " | Can say the Lord's prayer & Belief |
John Farley Farley, John | 6 | D: | " | Moravian | " | D: D: |
Dick Richards Richards, Dick | 6 | | " | Methodist | " | Son of late Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly |
James (Fairburn) Fairburn, James | 4 | Grass Gang | " | Moravian | " | Can say the Lord's prayer & Belief |
Charles | 4 | D: | " | | " | |
Charlow | 3 | Infant | " | | " | |
James | 3 | D: | " | | " | |
John Mack | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
James | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
Paul | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
Sampson | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
Peter | 1 and 9 mo. | D: | " | | " | |
8.70.10.
[Page 41]
41

from Lavingtons Estate to Sandersons Estate September 1824
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church, Moravian or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks |
| | | Females | | | |
Peggy | 54 | Field | Creole | Moravian | Single | |
Pegg | 51 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Esther | 45 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Ann | 45 | D: | " | " | " | |
Kitty | 45 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Mary (Kent) Kent, Mary | 40 | D: | " | " | " | |
Hetty | 39 | D: | " | | " | |
Nelly | 46 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Minerva | 42 | D: | " | Methodist | Married | |
Phibba | 34 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Molly | 28 | D: | " | | Single | |
Cherry | 29 | D: | " | Methodist | Married | |
Madge | 28 | D: | " | " | " | |
Betsy Paul Paul, Betsy | 27 | D: | " | Moravian | | |
Floretta | 22 | D: | " | " | Single | |
Sarah | 27 | D: | " | " | " | |
Polly | 27 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Mimba (little) | 23 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Kate | 21 | D: | " | " | " | Twins |
Rose | 21 | D: | " | Methodist | | Twins |
Bathsheba | 20 | D: | " | " | " | |
Betsy George George, Betsy | 19 | D: | " | " | " | |
Belinda | 18 | D: | " | " | " | |
Esther | 18 | D: | " | " | " | |
Parthenia | 17 | D: | " | " | " | |
Mary | 17 | D: | " | " | " | |
Louisa | 19 | D: | " | " | " | |
Miah | 16 | D: | " | " | " | |
Kitty (Kent) Kent, Kitty | 15 | D: | " | " | " | |
Betty | 13 | Weeding | " | " | " | |
Phoebe | 13 | D: | " | " | " | |
Betsey | 13 | D: | " | " | " | |
Sarey | 11 | D: | " | " | " | |
Patience | 9 | D: | " | " | " | |
Phillis | 6 | Grass Gang | " | | " | Can say the Lord's prayer & Belief |
Katy | 6 | D: | " | | " | D: D: |
Mary | 5 | D: | " | | " | |
Nancy Linsay Linsay, Nancy | 5 | D: | " | | " | |
Anne …M | 3 | Infant | " | | " | daughter of late Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly |
Charity | 3 | D: | " | | " | |
Eliza …M | 1 and 10 mo. | D: | " | | " | daughter of late Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly |
Sue | 2 mo. | D: | " | | " | |
Frances …M | 3 mo. | D: | " | | " | daughter of late Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly |
Quasheba | 1 mo. | D: | " | | " | |
| | | | | | |
| | | Recapitulation | | | |
| | | Males | 38 | | |
| | | Females | 44 | | |
| | | Total | 82 | | |
[Page 42]
42

The foregoing Eighty-two Slaves, arranged in Families
________________________________________________________________________________
1 | Joshua 22 | 42 | Champagne 50 |
. | Sam 22 | . | Betsy George 19 married to Ned Sandersons' ploughman |
. | Batchelor 26 | . | Miah 16 Ned 's daughter |
. | Quashey 38 | 5 | Big Esther 45 |
5 | Bathsheba 20 | . | Floretta 22 |
. | Ann 45 | . | Mary 17 |
. | Molly 28 | | Betty 13 |
. | John Farley 6 her child | . | Quow 10 |
. | Charlow 3 d: | 50 | Oxford 54 |
10 | Hetty 39 Molly 's sister | . | Kitty 45 his wife |
. | Jacob 26 her brother | . | John Mason 7 |
. | Minerva 42 | . | Little Sarah 11 |
. | Pathemia 17 her child | . | Patience 9 |
. | Phoebe 13 d: | 5 | Mary Kent 40 |
5 | Phillis 6 d: | . | Prince 20 her son |
. | Charity 3 d: | . | Kitty Kent 15 her daughter |
. | Phibba 34 Minerva 's sister | . | Davis 12 her son |
. | Caesar 20 her son | . | Betsy 13 her daughter |
. | James 15 d: | 60 | Cherry 29 Mason Billy 's wife |
20 | Thomas 11 d: | . | Cudjoe 8 his child |
. | Katy 6 her daughter | . | Mary 5 d: |
. | Sandy Fairburn 34 | . | James 2 d: |
. | Naces 27 his Brother | . | Sue 2 months d: |
. | James Fairburn 4 his son | 5 | Richard 9 Cherry 's brother |
5 | Polly 27 sister to Chloe | . | Rose 21 Twins Cherry & Richard 's sister |
. | Betsy Paul 27 | . | Kate 21 Twins Cherry & Richard 's sister |
. | Paul 2 her child | . | Belinda 18 |
. | Nelly 46 | . | Quasheba |
. | Nancy Linsay 5 her child | 70 | Peter 9 mo. Kate 's child |
30 | Peggy 54 | . | Sarah 27 |
. | Little Mimba 23 her daughter | . | Sampson 2 Sarah 's child |
. | Charles 4 Mimba 's child | . | Louisa 16 In charge of the late Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly's children |
. | John Mack 2 d: | . | Joe Gibson M 13 |
. | Little Esther 18 | 5 | Henry Evans M 10 |
5 | Pegg 51 | . | Dick Richards M 6 |
. | Little Madge 28 her daughter | . | Ann M |
. | James 3 Madge 's child | . | Eliza M |
. | Natty 23 Madge 's brother | . | Frances M |
. | Joe 15 D: | 80 | Cuffy 41 |
40 | William Cuffy 9 D: | . | Thomas 19 |
. | Joe (old) 56 Their father | 82 | Tony 52 |
__________
8.70.11.
[Page 43]
8.70.12. General Recapitulation of the number of Slaves composing the Gang on Sanderson's, 30th September 1824
43

of the number of Slaves composing the Gang on Sanderson's
30th September 1824
Number on Estate 5th March 1824: 233
Increase by birth: 3
Increase by removal from Lavington's Estate: 82
Total: 318
Decrease by manumission ( Ann Conolly):1
Total: 317
I find that of these identical 317 individuals alive on the 30 September
1824 27 had died off on the 30 September 1830 a mortality of
rather less than 1 in 12 in a space of 6 years.
8.70.13.
[Page 44]
8.70.14. Return of Live Stock on Sanderson's & Monks Hill Estates, 31st August 1824
44

Return of Live Stock on Sanderson's & Monks Hill Estates 31st August 1824
| Oxen | Cows | Heifers | (B.)Bull Calves | (C.)Cow Calves | Bulls | Total | Horses | Mules | Asses | Sheep |
Number returned 5th March Sandersons | 41 | 38 | 10 | 23 | 22 | 5 | 137 | 2 | 2 | 10 | 32* |
Monks Hill | 2 | 22 | 8 | 5 | 5 | 1 | 45 | | | | |
Total 5th March | 43 | 60 | 18 | 28 | 27 | 4 | 180 | 2 | 2 | 10 | 32 |
Increase by Purchase | 19+ | | | | | | 19 | 3++ | 7 | | |
Increase by Exchange | | | | | | 1° | 1 | | | | |
| 62 | 60 | 18 | 28 | 27 | 5 | 200 | 5 | 9 | 10 | 32 |
Decrease by exchange & Death | | 1 | | | | | 1 | 2^ | 1 | | 4 |
Total 31st Aug[] | 62 | 59 | 18 | 28 | 27 | 5 | 199 | 3 | 8 | 10 | 28 |
___________________________________
8.70.15.
[Page]
8.70.16. Map of Antigua 1768 [image missing]
Note: Map "Antigua 1768" missing.
Map of Antigua
1768
8.70.17.
[Page 47]
8.70.18. List and description of Slaves on Lavingtons Estate, 5th March 1824
47

List and description of Slaves on Lavingtons Estate 5th March 1824
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist or Moravian | Single or Married | Remarks |
Sackey | 71 | | Creole | | | superannuated, deformed. Died 16 May 1824 |
Trump | 66 | Fire man | " | Methodist | Single | good character |
Dick | 66 | | " | " | " | superannuated |
Ambrose | 66 | | " | Moravian | Married | D: |
Will Quow Quow, Will | 56 | | " | Methodist | Sigle | D: big legs |
Tommy | 56 | | " | " | Married | D: Died 25 March 1824 |
Champagne * | 56 | Cattle Keeper | " | " | Single | |
Joe * | 56 | Watchman | " | " | Married | |
Windsor | 56 | D: | " | Moravian | Single | |
Oxford * | 54 | Mason | " | Church | " | |
Careless | 53 | Watchman | " | Methodist | " | badly ruptured |
Billy | 51 | Field | " | " | " | |
John York…M | 50 | Carpenter | " | Moravian | Married | |
King | 49 | Sailmaker | " | Methodist | Single | Elephantises, lame |
Premia | 51 | Watchman | " | " | " | |
George | 40 | Carpenter | " | " | Married | |
Toney * | 52 | Blacksmith | " | Moravian | " | |
Prince | 44 | Head Driver | " | " | " | |
Quamina | 44 | Field | " | Church | Single | |
Derry | 44 | | " | Moravian | " | Elephantises |
Simon | 34 | Groom | " | Methodist | Married | diseased legs |
Joseph | 35 | Field | " | " | Single | |
Daniel | 35 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Quashey * | 39 | D: | " | " | " | |
John Vernon Vernon, John | 34 | D: | | Church | Married | |
Cudjoe | 34 | Carter | " | Moravian | Single | |
Cuffy * | 41 | Field | " | " | Married | |
Jemmy | 30 | Ranger | " | Methodist | " | |
Sandy Fairburn * | 34 | Cooper | " | " | " | |
Jack | 29 | D: | " | " | " | |
Robin | 29 | Field | " | " | Single | Died 9 July 1824 Elephantises |
Naccos * | 27 | Driver | " | Moravian | Married | ? |
Billy | 28 | Cattle Keeper | " | " | " | |
Batchelor * | 26 | Field | " | " | " | |
Jacob * | 26 | D: | | Methodist | Single | |
William Bruntsell Bruntsell, William | 24 | Cook | " | " | " | |
Harry George George, Harry | 25 | Field | " | " | " | |
Harry | 25 | Carpenter | " | " | " | |
Natty * | 23 | Field | " | | " | |
Mingo | 22 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Sam * | 22 | Cook | " | " | Married | |
John Wall…M | 21 | House Servant | " | " | Single | |
Jemmy | 24 | Field | " | " | " | |
Joshua * | 22 | D: | | " | " | |
Caesar * | 20 | D: | " | " | " | |
Those names marked with a * are the 82 Slaves subsequently removed to Sandersons Estate
8.70.19.
[Page 48]
48

Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist or Moravian | Single or Married | Remarks |
James Casey Casey, James | 22 | Carpenter | Creole | | Single | Died 26th March 1824 of consumption |
George | 20 | | " | | " | corbutic |
Abraham | 21 | Field | " | | " | |
Frank | 20 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Prince * | 20 | D: | " | " | " | |
William | 21 | Cattle keeper | " | | " | lame at wrist |
Jack | 19 | Field | " | | " | |
Thomas * | 19 | D: | " | | " | |
William Goodwin Goodwin, William | 17 | Cooper | " | Methodist | " | promising |
Philander | 14 | Field | " | " | " | |
Job | 16 | Cattle | " | " | " | |
Louie | 15 | Field | " | | " | |
Richard | 15 | House-boy | " | Methodist | " | |
Joe * | 15 | D: | " | " | " | |
James * | 15 | Field | " | " | " | |
Billy | 15 | D: | " | " | " | |
John Barter Barter, John | 14 | Carpenter | " | " | " | |
Joe Gibson M * | 13 | | " | " | " | |
Joe | 12 | Field | " | " | " | |
Davis * | 12 | D: | " | " | " | |
Alick | 11 | D: | " | " | " | |
Dickey | 11 | D: | " | " | " | |
Thomas * | 11 | D: | " | " | " | |
Henry Evans M * | 10 | | " | " | " | |
Quow * | 10 | Attending Sheep | " | " | " | |
Richard * | 9 | Field | " | " | " | |
William * | 9 | D: | " | " | " | |
William Brown Brown, William | 9 | Grass Gang | " | " | " | |
Cudjoe * | 8 | D: | " | " | " | |
Emanuel | 7 | D: | " | " | " | |
Francis | 7 | D: | " | " | " | |
John Mason * | 7 | D: | " | " | " | |
Cambridge | 7 | D: | " | Moravian | " | Drowned 2 April 1821 |
John Farley * | 6 | D: | " | " | " | |
Charles | 6 | D: | " | " | " | |
Dick Richards M * | 6 | | " | " | " | |
George | 5 | Grass Gang | " | " | " | |
James * | 4 | D: | " | " | " | |
Sam | 4 | D: | " | " | " | |
Charles * | 4 | D: | " | " | " | |
Charlow * | 3 | Infant | " | | " | |
James * | 3 | D: | " | | " | |
Joshua | 3 | D: | " | | " | |
Bob | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
Simon | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
John Mack * | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
James * | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
Paul * | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
Sampson * | 2 | D: | " | | " | |
8.70.20.
[Page 49]
49

Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist or Moravian | Single or Married | Remarks |
Adam | 2 | Infant | Creole | | | |
Peter * | 1 and 9 mo. | D: | " | | | |
John London London, John | 6 mo. | D: | " | | | |
John James Laforey Laforey, John James | 5 | " | | | | |
Emanuel | 2 mo. | " | | | | |
Females
Phillis | 76 | | Creole | Methodist | Single | superannuated |
Maria | 76 | | " | Moravian | " | D: |
Floretta | 66 | | " | Methodist | " | D: |
Juba | 68 | | " | " | " | D: |
Chloe | 54 | Sick Nurse | " | " | " | |
Fanny | 56 | | " | " | " | Superannuated |
Catherine | 51 | Water carrier | " | Moravian | " | |
Gatty | 71 | | African | Methodist | " | Superannuated. Died 13 May 1824 |
Morah | 62 | | " | " | " | D: |
Nancy | 66 | | " | Moravian | " | D: |
Nancy Newman Newman, Nancy | 56 | | Creole | Methodist | " | D: lame |
Nancy Linsay Linsay, Nancy | 56 | House Servant | " | Morvaian | Married | |
Juba | 54 | Nurse | " | " | Single | |
Peggy * | 54 | Field | " | " | " | |
Negrilla | 51 | D: | " | | " | |
Nancy | 42 | Camp Nurse | " | Methodist | " | Died 30 July 1824 Consumption |
Lydia | 51 | Grass Gang | " | Moravian | " | |
Eve | 51 | Water Carrier | " | Methodist | | |
Pegg * | 51 | Field | " | " | " | |
Sarah | 51 | | " | Moravian | " | |
Doll | 39 | | " | " | " | Superannuated |
Esther * | 45 | Field | " | " | " | |
Betty Fairburn Fairburn, Betty | 51 | Midwife | " | " | " | |
Ann * | 45 | Field | " | " | " | |
Mary Tom Tom, Mary | 46 | Camp Nurse | " | Methodist | " | sickly |
Kitty * | 45 | Field | " | " | " | |
Quasheba | 45 | D: | | " | " | |
Madge | 44 | D: | | Moravian | Married | |
Mary * | 40 | D: | | Methodist | Single | |
Rosey | 46 | D: | " | " | " | |
Madlane | 44 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Dinah | 46 | D: | " | " | " | |
Mimba | 51 | D: | | " | " | |
Daphne | 34 | D: | " | Methodist | Married | Sickly |
Betty | 50 | D: | " | " | Single | |
Hetty * | 39 | D: | " | | " | |
Maria | 48 | D: | " | Methodist | Married | |
Nancy Wills Wills, Nancy | 41 | D: | " | " | Single | Subject to Fits. Died 3 (Aug)August 1824 |
Helen | 34 | Washerwoman | " | " | Married | |
Beck | 34 | Field | " | Moravian | Single | |
Nelly * | 46 | D: | " | " | " | |
Minerva * | 42 | D: | " | Methodist | Married | |
8.70.21.
[Page 50]
50

Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist or Moravian | Single or Married | Remarks |
Phillis | 34 | Field | Creole | Methodist | Married | |
Precilla | 34 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Phibba * | 34 | D: | " | " | " | |
Sally | 33 | D: | " | Methodist | Single | |
Hannah | 33 | D: | " | Methodist | Single | |
Harriett | 34 | D: | " | " | " | |
Monimia | 32 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Dolly | 32 | D: | " | Methodist | Married | |
Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly M | 32 | | " | " | Single | Died 9th (Aug)August Erysipetus |
Louisa | 32 | Field | " | " | " | |
Molly * | 28 | D: | " | | " | |
Cherry * | 29 | D: | " | Methodist | Married | |
Amba | 29 | Water Carrier | " | | Single | |
Dorcas | 28 | Field | " | Methodist | " | |
Madge * | 28 | D: | " | " | Married | |
Cecille | 27 | D: | " | " | " | |
Rachael | 29 | D: | " | " | " | |
Betsy Paul * | 27 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Floretta * | 22 | D: | " | " | Single | |
Sarah * | 27 | D: | | " | " | |
Polly * | 27 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Mimba * | 23 | D: | | Moravian | " | |
Lucy | 25 | D: | " | Methodist | Married | |
Plaucy | 21 | D: | " | " | Single | |
Chloe | 22 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Kate * | 21 | D: | " | " | " | |
Rose * | 21 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Dido | 20 | D: | | " | Married | |
Bathsheba * | 20 | D: | " | Moravian | Single | |
Betty Jacob Jacob, Betty | 20 | D: | " | Moravian | " | consumption |
Nancy | 20 | Washerwoman | " | Methodist | " | |
Hagar | 20 | Field | " | " | Married | |
Betsy George * | 19 | D: | " | " | Single | |
Penny | 18 | D: | " | " | " | |
Belinda * | 18 | D: | " | " | " | |
Lucia | 18 | D: | " | " | Married | |
Esther * | 18 | D: | " | " | Single | |
Parthenia * | 17 | D: | " | " | " | |
Jessy | 17 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Jane | 17 | D: | " | Methodist | " | |
Mary * | 17 | D: | " | " | " | |
Louisa * | 19 | D: | " | " | " | |
Juba | 17 | D: | | " | " | |
Margaret | 17 | Sempstress | " | Moravian | " | |
Miah * | 16 | Field | " | Methodist | " | |
Kitty * | 15 | D: | " | " | " | |
Belvidera | 15 | D: | " | " | " | |
Sally | 15 | House Servant | " | " | " | |
8.70.22.
[Page 51]
51

Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist or Moravian | Single or Married | Remarks |
Ophelia | 14 | Field | Creole | Methodist | Single | |
Betty * | 13 | D: | " | " | " | |
Rachael | 13 | D: | " | " | " | |
Phoebe * | 13 | D: | " | " | " | |
Betsy * | 13 | D: | " | " | " | |
Elsey | 12 | D: | " | Moravian | " | |
Grace | 12 | D: | | Methodist | " | |
Sabina | 12 | D: | " | " | " | |
Quasheba | 11 | D: | " | " | " | |
Diana | 11 | D: | | " | " | |
Monemia | 11 | D: | " | " | " | |
Sarey * | 11 | D: | " | " | " | |
Hellen | 10 | D: | " | " | " | |
Molly Horn Norn, Molly | 10 | D: | " | " | " | |
Rebecca | 9 | D: | | " | " | |
Quasheba | 9 | Grass Gang | " | " | " | |
Beck | 9 | Field | " | " | " | |
Patience * | 9 | D: | " | " | " | |
Bess | 8 | Grass Gang | " | Moravian | " | |
Maria M | 8 | D: | " | " | " | Manumitted 13 (Sept)September 1824 |
Priss | 8 | D: | " | " | " | |
Polly | 7 | D: | " | " | " | |
Frances | 7 | D: | " | " | " | |
Amelia | 7 | D: | " | " | " | |
Elsey | 6 | D: | " | " | " | |
Amelia Hunt M | 6 | D: | " | " | " | |
Phillis * | 6 | D: | " | " | " | |
Katy * | 6 | D: | " | " | " | |
Penny | 6 | D: | " | " | " | |
Polly London London, Polly | 5 | D: | " | " | " | |
Mary * | 5 | Infant | " | | " | |
Nancy Linsay * | 5 | D: | " | | " | |
Matty | 4 | D: | " | | " | |
Ann …M * | 3 | D: | " | | " | daughter of Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly |
Nancy | 3 | D: | " | | " | |
Charity * | 3 | D: | " | | " | |
Betsey | 3 | D: | | | " | |
Grace | 2 | D: | | | " | |
Eliza …M * | 1 and 10 mo. | D: | " | | " | daughter of Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly |
Elsey | 1 and 3 mo. | D; | | | " | |
Mary Ann Blackwell Blackwell, Mary Ann | 9 mo. | D: | " | | " | |
Mary Cork Cork, Mary | 3 mo. | D: | " | | " | |
Hagar | 2 mo. | D: | | | | |
Sue * | 2 mo. | D: | " | | " | |
| | | | | | |
| | | Recapitulation | | | |
| | | Males | 99 | | |
| | | Females | 134 | | |
| | | On Estate 5th March 1824 | 233 | | |
8.70.23.
[Page 52]
8.70.24. General Recapitulation of the number of Slaves composing the Gang on Lavington's Estate
52

of the number of Slaves composing the Gang on Lavington's Estate
30th September 1824
________________
Number on Estate 5th March 1824: 233
Increase by Birth: 5
Vist: 8 March Eliza born of Margaret
27th Joseph born of Dolly *
23 April Frances Born of Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly M *
12 July Quasheba born of Belinda
19 (Aug)August Gatty born of Lucia
Total: 238
Decrease by Death: 10
Vist: 25th March Tommy Aged 50
26th James Casey aged 22
2 April Cambridge Aged 7
18 May Gatty aged 71
16 " Sackey aged 71
19 July Robin aged 29
30 " Nancy ?[?] aged 42
3 (Aug)August Nancy Wills aged 41
9 " Polly JohnsonJohnson, Polly aged 32 M
11 " Infant Joseph 4 mo.: (see above)
By Manumission: ( Maria Evans): 1
By Removal to Sandersons:82 93
remaining on Lavingtons Estate ( (Sept)September 1824): 145
In March 1833 there were (see Monthly Rept.): 154
Increase in 9 years-9
8.70.25.
[Page 53]
8.70.26. Return of Live Stock on Lavington's Estate, 31st August 1824
53

Return of Live Stock on Lavington's Estate, 31st August 1824
Oxen | Cows | Bull Calves | Cow Calves | Total | Horses | Mules | Sheep |
16 | 6 | 4 | 3 | 29 | 1 * old pony | 4 | 15 |
Note: The occasional exchange of Cattle on this Estate for others at Sandersons supercedes the
possibility of giving in this Return an account of Increase and Decrease which
appears in the Return of Live Stock attached to Sanderson's Estate. I
have therefore given in the above return the number and character of
the Stock on Lavington's Estate at the same period, and in future
the Live Stock on both Estates should be in one Return for the Reasons
assigned in the body of this Report under the head of 'Cattle' page.
8.70.27. Recapitulation of live Stock attached to the Antigua Estates generally
of live Stock attached to the Antigua Estates generally. 31st August 1824
| | Horned | Cattle |
| Oxen | Cows | Heifers | (B.)Bull Calves | (C.)Cow Calves | Bulls | Total | Horses | Mules | Asses | Sheep |
Sandersons | 62 | 59 | 18 | 28 | 27 | 5 | 199 | 3 | 8 | 10 | 28 |
Lavingtons | 16 | 6 | - | 4 | 3 | - | 29 | 1 | 4 | - | 15 |
Total | 78 | 65 | 18 | 32 | 30 | 5 | 228 | 4 | 12 | 10 | 43 |
8.71.
Note: Followed by 126 blank, unnumbered pages.
10. Part the Third - Saint Vincent
10.1.
[Page unnumbered]

__________
.
10.2.
Note: Followed by eight blank, unnumbered pages.
10.3.
[Page unnumbered map]
10.4. The Island of St. Vincent (map)
10.5.
[Page unnumbered]
10.6. Part the Third. Saint Vincent

.
I landed at this Island on the morning of the 22nd of June and immediately informed
Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard of my arrival who expected me at the Tavern a few hours afterwards. He received
me as large a share of warmth and apparent sincerity as a long standing Friendship and
utmost respect for me could have led me to expect. He informed me that he had long been
anxiously looking for my arrival, that he anticipated the utmost cordiality and good understanding
between us during my stay in the Colony and that he has no doubt every thing considered
with the Estates would be highly satisfactory to me in the progress of my investigation.
Although prior appraised as he informed me by Mr. Gordon of the object of my visit and
however far I was induced to place confidence in his assurances of his support and assistance
in effecting that object, I nevertheless begged that he would do me the favor to peruse the Power
which I hold and in order to provide against any unpleasant feelings on his part which might
arise from the adoption of any particular measure or act of mine. I deemed it adviseable to
point out to him some of the most prominent features of my mission as regarded the Properties
under his management and in the Spirit of confidence and respect which I (at that time) entertained
towards him. I shewed him a memorandum which I had received from Mr. Gordon
knowing such particular matters at the same time observing that it would be sufficient that
I proposed what was required of me by that Gentleman without having recourse to record my
Power to justify my proceedings, or to interfere at all in the management of the Property.
Notwithstanding this open declaration of my sentiments and a perfect acquaintance on the
part of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard with the nature of my visit, (to say nothing of the great warmth with
which he received me) he betrayed a degree of embarrassment when he asked me How soon
he might expect a visit from me at Fairhall which I must acknowledge gave rise to
some share of doubt as to his sincerity, as also whether he expected that I should remain
at a Tavern during my stay in the Island. On the succeeding morning I visited
10.7.
[Page 2]
10.8. Fairhall and Brebner Estate
2

and .
This property is established on the South part of the Island in the Valley of Calliaqua through
which was a small stream emptying itself in a bay of the same name at about a mile and
a half distance. By this stream the Water Mill of this Property (see View) and several others
are worked and may be considered capable of grinding sufficient liquor to average the manufacture
Of four Hogsheads of Sugar per day, Independently of the advantage of having a constant supply
of Water for other purposes. This description of Mill is most common in the Island from
the abundance of Water continually flowing from the Mountains: materially increased during the selling
season which persists throughout a large portion of the year a. There are a few Windmills and these are simply
in the Windward country where they are either deprived of a large quantity of Water to where
the prevalence of Wind is more certain. Fairhall and Brebner Estate is estimated at
420 Acres advance of a small piece of Mountain land of 1.1.13 purchased of Debuque
by the late Mr. Gordon in 1810 b. There is about 100 Acres yearly appropriated to Cane cultivation,
50-60 acres to the growth of Provisions and Negro grounds: and the remainder is in
pasture and Mountain. The land is generally indifferent and none of it can be called
good, which is in some measure to be attributed to the frequent washes its mountains character
is subjected to but which might have been considerably deviated by cutting trenches or
arranging stones on the different declivities. The soil however is naturally of an indifferent quality
consisting chiefly of clay and the description of earth commonly called "terre rouge" on
a slate substratum: nevertheless there is much land ill appropriated with which the assistance
of manure c and the seasonable weather this Island is passed with would, I am of the opinion, materially
increase the present averaged Crop d. To affect this an increase of Cattle would be
desirable. The present Stock being not only old and weak, but rather insufficient in number to
perform the work required of them. The cultivation is decidedly laborious from the frequent
abrupt sinuosities over which the manure and the Canes are conveyed, principally on the heads
of the Negroes: and some of the Cane pieces are so steep as to render it difficult for the Negroes
to stand to hoe the soil. This toil is considerably counterbalanced by the number of Slaves composing
the Gang which was on the 21st of July 246 of whose names, age, occupation &c with
general remarks as Statement is annexed.
10.9.
[Page unnumbered figure]
10.10. Plan of Fairhall and Brebner Estate
10.11.
[Page 3]
10.12. Plan of a piece of Land purchased of Debuque
3
10.13.
[Page Two unnumbered figures]
10.14. View of the Dwelling, Water Mill, Boiling House &c.
10.15. View of the Dwelling & Offices
10.16.
[Page 5]
10.17. The Works
5

Consisting of a Boiling House, Curing House, Rum Cellar and Loft attached, and Water Mill
are in tolerable repair excepting the Boiling House which requires Shingling: it was last shingled
about 4 years and half ago. I should also recommend, altho' not indispensable the flooring of
the Boiling House, which is at present the common earth and very uneven, to be covered with
stones or brick, not only for the comfort and health of the Boilers and persons attached to the
Building during Crop, but with a view to contributing to the cleanliness of the place, and to
excite a feeling in its favor among the Negroes, when I found disgracefully ragged and dirty.
I also observed much neglect in not cleaning the Coolers a, and Spouts b, which in some measure
injures the quality of the Sugar, to say nothing of the waste; but where a carelessness or
indifference to cleanliness prevails in one instance it generally in time intends its influence
in a tenfold degree, and hence may be attributed the dirty condition of the Boiling House
in other respects. The copper-hole Shed c is much dilapidated and requires fresh Tiling.
There is now only one sett of Boilers (three of Iron and one of Copper) with two copper Clarifyers of 310
and 330 Gallons, attached, and occupying part of the space where another sett of Boilers
formerly stood; the old walls of which, with part of the building materials still lie heaped up
in the unappropriated part. In the Liquor Loft are 21 Butts of 300 Gallons each in good
order, as are also the Stills, alho' old. A Magoss House d has been recently built on the
opposite side of the stream, and is at present roofed with trash e; a substitution of Tiles
would contribute to the saving of labor (by frequently replacing the Trash when decayed) and
add much to the security of the Building, the trash being of an inflammable nature: this however
is not urgent.
The occupy an elevated situation
to the Eastward of and overlooking the Works (see View). The House is of an old and rather
inconvenient construction and appears to have received frequent addition to its
original form; the Timbers are chiefly of hard-Wood well put together and the whole
Building is in good repair. Its form and extent will be better conceived by a reference
to the Plan. To the Westward or left hand of the Dwelling are the Kitchens
and other domestic offices; and in the opposite direction stand the hospital, Machine
store, Stable, Coopers shed &c: The situation and construction of these
Buildings collectively, excited my surprise; as did also the slovenly and dirty
condition of the Hospital particularly, which is a wooden Structure of two compartments
for the Males and Females of not more than 12 feet square each, rendered extremely
10.18.
[Page 6]
6

dark by being surrounded by the other abovementioned buildings, and extremely
unhealthy by the Horse Stable being not only immediately attached to it, but
directly Windward of it. This circumstance I noticed in the presence of the
Doctor as also the confined situation and dimensions of the Building, and the
shameful accumulation of cobwebs which hung from the roof within reach of
the hand and, in short, the general dirty condition of the whole establishment.
To my objections he readily assented: he told me that the matters referred to by
me had not escaped his notice, and that he had occasionally spoken of them
to the Sick-nurse. He however appeared by no means interested in the removal
of the evils, in support of which opinion I need only adduce the circumstance
of their having prevailed so long a. I found them to be equally uninteresting to
Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard, and I was obliged to reiterate the request several times that the
cobwebs might be taken down and the place swept out and whitewashed before
even the first proposed measure was effected, and the Whitewashing remained
unaccomplished up to the hour of my departure; Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard attempting to
justify the neglect by observing that there was no brush on the property!!
I found that there was no lying-in establishment, and that the Women were
always delivered in their Huts: this also became a subject of conversation with
the Doctor who readily admitted the expediency of providing for their accommodation
and comfort, and concurred with me in the opinion that the decrease of the
Gang was in some measure to be attributed to the want of such a Provision. A
Building is well adapted for such an establishment is close to the Sick House and
is at present unappropriated to any particular purpose b. It is composed entirely
of Wood but is strongly put together and the principal alteration I proposed is
the raising it about 4 feet from the ground on a stone foundation which will
give additional height to the rooms and secure the flooring from damp. The
stable I requested be immediately removed to the situation marked in
the outline "Plan of the Dwelling, Works &c" which (as will be seen by a reference to the
same Plan) will admit of the Hospital being lengthened at a trifling expense and
brought in immediate contact and uniform with the Medicine Store (k).
10.19.
[Page unnumbered figure]
10.20. Plan of the Dwelling, Works &c.
10.21.
[Page unnumbered figure]
10.22. Plan of the Dwelling, Works, &c. on Fairhall Estate
Note: Figure
10.23.
[Page 7]
7

I now come to the most prominent feature of my Instructions and the most important
consideration respecting the property.
Without particular reference to the Gang belonging to this Estate I was sensibly struck
with the unfavorable appearance of the Negroes in this Island, which immediately reminded
me that it is one of the last settled colonies, and consequently has a larger proportion
of Africans than the more early colonized possessions. The African character is so
powerfully contrasted with the native Creoles as to be immediately recognized by persons
well acquainted with this description of people, and I have observed in many instances
that the further removed from it by birth, the creole Slave not only becomes more reconciled
to his situation, is more contented and happy, and is governed with less difficulty
but his features become more regular and pleasing, and in many circumstances handsome.
Sullenness and discontent are marked on the brow of the African however long from
his native land, and a remarkable indifference to clothing is invariably to be observed
among them; they are also indolent even where their own comforts are in question, and
I have frequently noticed that their private provision grounds are worse cultivated
than those of the Creoles. Under these circumstances it is no matter of surprise
that the Negroes in this Island should appear to so much disadvantage, but I must
confess I am astonished at the prevailing indifference on the part of persons controuling
them to their dirty and ragged condition (in many instances with a mere rag round their loins)
and the total nakedness of Boys and Girls of ages up to 13 and 14 years. Of the Negroes
on the Property in question, there are 29 Africans among the Males, the youngest of whom
is between 27 and 30 and 55 among the Females, the youngest about 34 making a total
of 62 Africans. Taking into consideration that this number is composed entirely of
adults, the rising generation are consequently chiefly their offspring, not sufficiently
removed to benefit much from local impressions, especially while the force of example on
the part of their Parents is allowed to operate without controul; & the total disregard
on the part of Persons in charge to inculcate proper feelings, and a proper regard to
common decency a. So powerfully did these considerations operate on my mind immediately
on my arrival that I could not but express my sentiments to Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard at
the earliest convenience, but my remarks seemed rather to excite his surprise, and elicited
from him some such observation as that it was much the same throughout the Island
and that they preferred being Naked. It was not necessary that I should have put
as a question What became of the clothing for which the proprietor is at considerable
annual expense? because I was aware that Negroes better disposed will sell
their allowance, if not prevented by proper regulations b; but I could not refrain from
remarking that if they preferred nakedness, and if they were to be indulged in that
10.24.
[Page 8]
8

preference, the expense of supplying them every year with clothes might be save; or at least
as the Legislature had interfered in making the provision for them, it was much to be
regretted that the same authority did not see it properly appropriated. Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard here
observed that the prevalence of Rain in the Island rotted their clothes much sooner than
the time for the annual supply came round: and upon my again noticing that the season
had not as yet far advanced, nor had much time elapsed since they were last served with
clothes, yet almost every negroe was without a covering, he admitted that they might occasionally
sell them, but that one serving a year was not sufficient. It was upon this occasion
that I began to fear that I should derive very little information or satisfaction
in arguing with Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard upon other matters connected with the management
of the property if on the side of objection, for I found that he was not prepared either
by general information or disposition to discuss the question in an enlarged
sense, and rather endeavoured to evade the plain indisputable facts before us
and in answering direct questions it appeared that his attention was directed to some
other unconnected subject and that a train of thoughts was operating on his mind while
his lips were performing the office of sentinels to keep off intrusive questions by indirect
answers. The subject above stated had my attentive consideration and when it was
subsequently agitated I requested that in future the clothing might not be served out
until later in the year, whereby their old clothes would not be so soon thrown aside
and they would have the benefit of a better covering during the wet Season, provided
they were not allowed to dispose of their allowance directly they became possessed of
it. Upon this subject I spoke to the Gang collectively when I inspected them, which
will be noticed hereafter: in the mean time I had much difficulty in making the
young Negroes wear even a simple Shirt. Before I quit this subject I will observe that
I recommended a substitution of Osnaburg for Calico in future for the Women, which is not
only more durable but cheaper by 3 pence the yard, and is not so marketable as the Calico
in the Island b. ______ _______ I found in very indifferent
order. I took an opportunity of inspecting them with Doctor SmithSmith, Thomas, Dr., who informed me
upon my reverting to the decrease of the Gang, that he had been more frequently called
to visit Negroes resident in a few Houses separated from the principal Body, which induced
him to think the spot less healthy, from the comparatively exposed situation. Several
Negroes complained that their Houses had been burned down, or were in a dilapidated
state from age, and that they had neither time nor materials allowed them for the purposes
of either building or repairing them. With respect to the decrease, however far the
complaint of the Doctor might operate, and which I suspect rests in some measure on the intricacy
and length of the ride to the spot a (for he did not admit that death more frequently occurred
there) I am decidedly of opinion-from what observations I have been enabled
to make from time to time, and not without having considered the subject at leisure,
____________________
10.25.
[Page 9]
9

that the decrease of the Slave population is much owing to the Mind: & I most unhesitatingly
add as my firm opinion that the mortality of this Gang has been chiefly owing to a want of
proper regard to their morals and comforts, and from a spirit of Fear and mistrust of the
persons controuling them (instead of confidence and respect) taking possession of their minds
from improper treatment. I am prepared to have many say "who ever heard of such a
thing in nature as respect and confidence on the part of a Slave towards his Master?"
This is a question not to be answered in a few words, nor would it be to the present purpose,
but I may observe that it is not the less imperative on the part of the Master or the person
controuling them to contribute us much as possible to the contentment of the Slave.
That the decrease of the Slave population has been of late considerably checked by the
intended amelioration of their condition is not to be disputed and I am therefore the more
anxious to be understood to be referring to instances where that regard to their health and
comforts is wanting, as in the particular case before us.
As I have already observed the Cattle are very indifferent, and most of them aged. From
the Mountainous character of the Island few Cattle are required on most of the Estates, the
land being conveyed by spouts from the mountains to the Works, or to the nearest communication;
and the Manure is principally conveyed by the Negroes in baskets contributing much
to their labor. This might be obviated by the assistance of a few more also which would
also be serviceable in conveying the Canes. There are 18 working Oxen-3 Steers-8 Cows
7 Heifers-6 Calves-and 1 Bull, making 43 horned cattle-2 Horses-12 Mules-and
3 Asses, of which a detailed list with remarks on their character &c is annexed.
On the 21st of June 1821 the Estate was deprived of 16 Cattle which belonged to Mrs.
FairburnFairbain, Thomas, Mrs. and which had been allowed by her to remain on the property. On that day
they were delivered to Mr. HugginsHuggins, Edward, her Attorney by Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard, and he removed them
to Eversham Vale Estate, as he informed me by her directions, thereby depriving Fairhall
of the benefit of the Manure. Conceiving an increase of the Stock to be very desirable, and
under the impression that Mr. HugginsHuggins, Edward had received instructions from Mrs. FairburnFairbain, Thomas, Mrs. to dispose
of them, and that they might be obtained at a reasonable rate: I addressed a Letter
to him to the following effect:
10.25.1.
Note: a letter
"Fairhall 9th Aug 1824.
Sir, In a communication from
"Mrs. FairburnFairbain, Thomas, Mrs. to Mr. James Adam Gordon, the proprietor of Fairhall Estate, she expresses
"her surprise that the Cattle belonging to her and now in your charge should have been
"removed from this property without her directions and the same Letter betrays a disposition
on her part to meet Mr. Gordon's wishes respecting them. I am therefore induced
"to suggest that I may be permitted to inspect them, in order that I may form an estimate
of their value in case Mr. Gordon should be disposed to purchase them. Should
"this proposal meet your approbation, I will meet you tomorrow morning for that purpose.
"I beg to be favored with an answer by the bearer.
10.26.
[Page 10]
10

Mr. HugginsHuggins, Edward returned me the following reply:
10.26.1.
Note: a letter
"Sir, I apprehend there must be some
"mistake that the Cattle were removed from Fairhall Estate without the knowledge of Mrs.
"FairburnFairbain, Thomas, Mrs.. I shall be glad if you will favor me with a visit and see the cattle; you
"will have to extend your ride a little as I have only a part with me, and the others on
"neighbouring Estates. Mrs. FairburnFairbain, Thomas, Mrs. has instructed me to dispose of the whole part
"of them, and thought Mr. Gordon was inclined to purchase them I am, Sir, yours &c.
I accordingly visited Mr. HugginsHuggins, Edward on Eversham Vale Estate in
company with Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard, and selected the following Cattle, which I valued at the prices against their several names. viz:
Cows | Liddy | (black) in good condition | 25 | | Bulls | Smith | (brown) young and able | 25 |
| Harriett | (black) indifferent, small and poor | 20 | | | Cuffy | (black) | 25 |
| Eve | (black) small | 20 | | Calves | Shoey | (brown) a bull calf | 16 |
| Ann | (brindled neck) old in good condition | 10 | | | Hannah | a cow calf | 12 |
Oxen | Saint Kitts | young, in good condition | 25 | | Heifers | Peggy | (spotted) same size as Shoey | 16 |
| Friday | (black) | 25 | | | Young Heifer | not named about 1 year | 14 |
Amounting together to 239 pounds currency, equal to nearly 30 pounds (p.)per head. Since the cattle were taken
up by Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard in 1821 they have increased 5 making the Total number 21, several of which
were on an Estate at some distance, and from the description of them were not worthy of my attention:
the above 12 I selected from the number on Eversham Vale, and another Estate in the
neighborhood a; and begged of Mr. HugginsHuggins, Edward to inform me of the lowest value at which he would
estimate them, giving him some idea of my valuation. The estimate he sent me was £25
per head which I decidedly rejected, conceiving my own calculation a fair and full value
for them. It would be worthwhile however making the offer to Mrs. FairburnFairbain, Thomas, Mrs..
The Carts were indifferent order, but were under repair when I left the Island.
In number they are sufficient for the cultivation of the Estate.
With respect to the Overseers, there are three on the Estate of whom John McCollMcColl, John is
the chief, he has been on the Estate about a year, and three years in the Island. Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard
considers him a well disposed Man, and he appears to be active, but he does not manage
to gain the good opinion of the Negroes. His experience is I suspect rather limited and Mr.
RobertsonRobertson, Richard leaves him too much to himself. His Salary is 180 pounds per (ann)annum: James Moett is
second: he has been on the Estate since 6 Feb 1822, and is approved of by Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard, his Salary
is 150 pounds (p. ann)per annum: as is also that of the third Mark Le Blanc whose arrival on the property is of
a recent date, he appears very attentive and a well disposed young Man. The usual mode
of paying Salaries on this Island is in Cash, and it extends to the Doctors who receive as high a
rate as 10 (p.)per head for each Negro and 2 extra if they find Medicines b this is not the case in most
other Islands, they generally receive produce at the current price, and 9 (p.)per head is the most common
charge including Medicines. Dr. SmithSmith, Thomas, Dr. who attends Fairhall is considered clever, but he is rather too easy..
10.26.1.
Note: a letter
Dear Sir I hereby accept of your proposal of continuing the attendance on Fairhall and Brebners at 130 pounds as heretofore and in lieu of
"casualties medicines &c. to be found by the proprietor. I am dear Sir. Yours
10.27.
[Page 11]
11

Having in the foregoing Statement confined myself to the character and condition of the
property. I shall now take a review of circumstances connected with my proceedings, and
with the character and conduct of the person whom I found in charge. It is not uncommon
to form an opinion of a person's character from mere report, his situation in life,
or other circumstances even before we meet with him, more especially if in the expectation of
being thrown immediately in contact with each other: and I had certainly gone beyond a
mere outline in picturing to myself the character of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard as a Man of A
liberal mind and education, and in whom I might expect to find all the characteristics
of a gentlemen. The number of years he had been in charge of this property
and the general tenor of his Letters during that period led me also to expect that I
should find matters relating thereto in a satisfactory position, and that an anxiety
would rather shew itself on his part to promote the inspection of an Estate which had benefited
by a long established system of good management. I had not only therefore
anticipated that my Services at Saint Vincent would be uncalled for in any important way,
but had rather contemplated my visit in the way of recreation from the arduous and fatiguing
labor I had been subjected to at Antigua; and indisposition during my stay in the Island
rendered repose more essential. My first interview with Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard is noticed at
the commencement of this Report, at the close of which, alto' my opinion was not
formed I had cause to suspect at least that I was not a welcome Visitor, much as I
had endeavoured to conciliate his best feelings by the most liberal sentiments a predisposition
in his favor could convey. It was not long before doubt gave way to some points
which were too indisputable for it to rest upon, and I found by his sentiments that he
was by no means a person whose Friendship I could value, or whose Society I could covet.
Altho I had declined entering upon the most important object of my mission, namely
the inspection of the Negroes until I should be about quitting the Island, in order to
avoid petty complaints and importunities, which I thought such a measure calculated
to produce, I nevertheless in the mean time quietly regarded them, and entered into
conversation with Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard upon the subject as frequently as possible, but he invariably
endeavoured to turn the discourse and seldom contributed more than an answer
to a direct question. He appeared however to enter into my view with regard to the treatment
of the Negroes and particularly when touching upon the subject of punishment, which for
a considerable time (while I was doubting in my mind whether he was not censurable
for indifference to their comforts) induced me at least to give him credit for some
share of humanity and the unfavorable appearance of the Gang influenced me also in
believing that their ill-conduct (which he frequently noticed to me) proceeded in some measure
from too much lenity on his part: This he several times asserted. About three weeks after my
arrival, acting under this impression, I was induced to recommend, and witness the punishment
of a Negro for a serious charge which he represented to me, and which contributed much to
strengthen that feeling in his favor. I had, however several times of late heard the distant
10.28.
[Page 12]
12

sound of a Whip, and I at length began to suspect that there was more punishment inflicted
on the Estate than I had previously imagined; this not only proved to be the case but to my
surprise it shortly afterwards came to my knowledge that the Mulatta Woman Eliza who lives
with Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard undertook the office of inflicting, ie: ordering punishment occasionally herself
a. It was about this time that Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard accompanied me on a Visit to the residence
of Colonel Jackson, and during our absence a circumstance occurred which apprised me that
Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard (who by the way, acts as Attorney and Manager) not only allows this Woman
to keep the keys of the Stores and distribute the supplies, but the Management of the Estate
to devolve on her in his absence. I wish to convey no more, by the word 'management' than the
circumstance to be related implies, which places the Overseers, in the absence of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard
indisputably under her authority. A negro Woman with a heavy load of Canes on her head
proceeding towards the Mill allowed one of the Canes to strike Eliza and disconnect her
Cap, this became a subject of complaint to Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard on our return and he proposed
punishing the offender. On enquiry the Negro declared that the Canes were overhanging
before her eyes and that she did not see 'Miss Eliza ' who nevertheless seized one of
the Canes and belabored her with it. It became a question with me, how it happened
that Eliza was in the situation to be struck at all, when it proved that she was attending
the feeding of the Mill!! It appeared in the end that her interference was on a more intensive
scale. This scarcely needs any comment: the prevailing antipathy between
the Negros and this description of people is too well known and accounted for. The
offender was not punished that I am aware of, altho' circumstances that occurred afterwards
leaves a doubt on my mind.
The time at length arrived when it became necessary for me to think of inspecting
the Negroes, and I communicated my intentions to Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard and requested that he
would require one of the Overseers to make out a list according to the from which I gave
him. I had to make frequent inquiries after this list before I got it, and it then proved
useless; several days succeeded before I was furnished with a correct list, when I again
announced my wish to inspect the Gang on the following day between the hours of their
forenoon and afternoon labor. The time arrived and to my surprise they were ordered
into the Field, and Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard affected forgetfulness. I appointed the day succeeding.
The Negroes assembled as usual at a short distance from the dwelling where they throw
bundles of grass before they resume their afternoon labor, previous to which I expected that
they would be ordered to the House for my inspection. I waited the event: when to my astonishment
they were again ordered into the Field, and upon my remonstrating with Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard,
he observed with some share of embarrassment Oh! I thought you merely wished to see them
and I saw you looking at them or words to that effect, altho' I had repeatedly seen them
in the same situation, and he was aware that my object was to enquire into their individual
character &c. They were at length assembled and annexed is a List of their names with
10.29.
[Page 13]
13

remarks on their health, age, Religion, occupation &c. The inspection occupied me several
hours and I found much difficulty in eliciting from them answers to my questions
respecting the rites of marriage, and their religious notions; upon which subjects many of
them appeared very ignorant and indifferent. Under the head of 'Married' including
Widows and Widowers it will appear that there are only 48 that have submitted to
the marriage ceremony, and I suspect but a small portion who profess
to attend places of worship entertain any very serious thoughts of Religion.
Several of the Cattle-keepers and Watchmen told me that they had all the inclination
to attend either church or 'Meeting' but that their occupation on Sundays interfered
with it a. As their Services are indispensable, I requested of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard to allow them
alternate days for that purpose. I spoke to them on the subject of marriage and
required of them to obtain a certificate from the Minister performing the ceremony that
I might see it when I again visited the Island b.
Having closed my investigation I was in the act of retiring when I heard a
general murmur in the Gang, and Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard (who had been in attendance during
the inspection) in great warmth and irritation calling upon the Drivers 'to do their
duty" upon enquiry I found that they wished to make some statement to me, but
seeing them about to disperse and being much fatigued I took no further notice.
On the following day I commenced the inspection of the Cattle, a list of which
with remarks is also annexed. Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard having been summoned as a Jury man
in Town left the Estate early, and I had scarcely completed my task when Dr.
SmithSmith, Thomas, Dr. (who had been absent from the Island as noticed in another part of this Report)
paid his first Visit to the property on his Return. I had been long anxious
by wishing to have some conversation with him before I left the Island, and it
was upon this occasion that I took the opportunity of attending him to the Hospital
when several subjects already related came under discussion. It happened
to be the hour at which the Negroes assemble to throw grass, and while engaged with
the Doctor in the Sick House, one of the Drivers came to me and stated that the
Gang begged that I would allow them to speak to me. Being anxious to avoid
them in the absence of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard (which I suspect made them still more importunate)
I excused myself. I was nevertheless induced to see them, upon their
further entreaty, the rather that Doctor SmithSmith, Thomas, Dr. might point out such characters to
me, of whom he had in the course of his practice formed any particular opinion.
As soon as I arrived among them, the whole gang broke forth in on general tone
of dissatisfaction and complaint, and it was with great difficulty that I at
length procured silence; when I declined listening to their representations in the absence
of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard, as I found they amounted to charges against him, and the
10.30.
[Page 14]
14

Woman that lives with him, at the same time I took the names of those who appeared
foremost in making complaint. I met Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard at the house of a Gentleman
by whom we had been invited to dine, and on returning to Fairhall in the evening I
related to him the circumstance of the Negroes behaviour, observing at the same time
that I had taken the names of the principal complainants, without allowing their
complaints to have any influence on my mind affecting his character until I should
have an opportunity of investigating the matter in his presence on the following morning
-he made no particular reply, but asked the names of the Negroes, which I could
not tell him, nor should I have been justified in revealing them in that stage
of the transaction. When we arrived home the head Driver (as is usual) came to the
door for orders, when Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard not only abused him for allowing the Negroes to
shew 'a spirit of revolt' in his absence, making use of the most intemperate language
of them collectively, but refused to give the necessary directions for the next day's labor.
On the following morning during breakfast the head-overseer came in and informed
Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard that Doctor Brown and his Brother would be with him at the time he
requested, and my surprise at the announcement elicited from him the remark that
he had thought fit to send for Magistrates that the matter might be cleared up properly.
My astonishment would only allow me to make some slight comment on
the impropriety of the measure, and to observe that he might have paid me the compliment
of asking me if it would be convenient or agreeable to me to appear in evidence
and how he intended to act when the Magistrates should arrive without a charge
or without a witness. The Gentlemen appeared and Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard called upon me
to relate to them what had taken place, and to give up the names of the principal
complainants, in declining which I represented to them the impropriety of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard's
conduct in thus making the affair public and increasing the evil which it was
my intention and wish (as I had represented to him the night before) to suppress
as quietly as possible at the same time with every regard to justice on both sides a.
The senior Magistrate not only concurred in my opinion but censured Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard
for the premature step he had taken and advised him to keep it as quiet as possible
that himself and his brother had been sent for in their official capacity.
It now became necessary for me to prepare for the investigation, but I allowed
some days to elapse: in the mean time several reports reached me thro respectable
channels, which rendered it imperative upon me to record my power, in doing which
I thought it advisable to acquaint Mr. Punnett (who had been nominated to act with Mr.
RobertsonRobertson, Richard) that I held such authority; I accordingly addressed him to the following effect:
10.30.1.
Note: a letter
Sir It has only with these few days occurred to me that as
[Page 15]
15

10.30.1.
Note: letter continued
you are appointed with Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard in a power of Attorney under which he has for
some years acted in behalf of the late Mr. Gordon and latterly for his Son I have been
somewhat negligent in not apprizing you of my arrival in this Island with a power
from the present proprietor of the Brebner and Fairhall Estate. As I expected to find
matters relating generally to this property highly satisfactory I was anxious to avoid
any interference in the management and to confine my authority to the investigation
of a few points: I did not therefore deem it necessary to record my power, but as I
now think it essential that I should do so, and as I shall be under the necessity
of giving a Power of substitution when I quit the Island I am more sensible of the
propriety of making this communication to you that may be informed whether you
have any objection to have your name inserted as heretofore, as also that I may receive
from you any remarks that you may be pleased to favor me with in regard to
this property. I am sir, Your (Obedt.)Obedient (Sert.)Servant
To this Letter I received the following reply:
10.30.1.
Note: a letter
"Kingston 3rd Aug. 1824.
Sir. Being
much indisposed I was not out of my room yesterday morning when your Servant
brought me your favor, and as he did not like to wait for an answer I promised to
send one. When the late Mr. Gordon appointed me as one of his attornies for Fairhall
Estate he very politely wrote me a Letter stating that he had done so by the recommendation
of Messers Evan Baillie Sons and Co of Bristol and requesting me to act
for him if the occasion required, but in the one sent out by his son I received no information
of my being named in it. Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard did after a while call on me with
the power for my perusal; I thought it a very curious one and conceived it merely
a matter of form my being mentioned therefore have never acted, if any thing had
happened to Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard I would certainly have taken care of the Property until
a new appointment could be made but nothing further. I should like to have
the pleasure of seeing you and know who is now to be appointed before I can consent
to be named in your power. I am, Sir your (Obedt.)Obedient (Sert.)Servant
Signed (Christr.)Christopher Punnett."
From the tenor of this Letter and having understood that Mr. Punnett was most frequently
absent on a neighboring Island, together with the circumstance of his having (as I
was informed) refused to listen to the complaints of the Negroes belonging to Fairhall
who had gone to him, and had sent a message to Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard desiring that he might
not be troubled: I projected in my mind the insertion of Colonel Jackson's name as second
in the power when I should leave the Island, and I was consequently induced to prevail
myself of his presence on the property in proceeding upon the enquiry affecting the
charges against Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard and Eliza . This took place on the 4th of August
and the following is a Statement taken from the minutes made by me at the time, in
the presence of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard, Colonel Jackson, Mr. Edward Jackson (his son) and Mr. McCollMcColl, John
the chief Overseer.
10.31.
[Page 16]
16

The Gang having assembled I required those who had complaints to make to come forward
one at a time: the first complainant was
1. Harry Antigua-stated that he and the rest of the Gang were deprived of their allowance
of cloathing and provisions-that instead of six yards of penistons he only received
five yards, and that instead of 2lbs of Fish p. week he only received 1 1/2lbs.
2. Joe -(the head Boiler) stated that he received his full allowance of cloathing, but that
the statement of the last complainant was otherwise correct-he also complained of not having
the usual indulgence and extra allowance on finishing crop. a.
3. Joshua -stated that some of the Negroes received 6 yards of penistons but most of
them only got 5 yards, and that the deficiency in the Fish was general. He more
particularly complained of ill treatment by punishment.
4. Christmas -recapitulated the several Statements of the above complainants.
5. John Taylor-made the same complaint respecting the deficiency of penistons
and Fish-and also stated that his Sister died leaving 8 children who were not
taken care of.
6. Plato -made the same complaint respecting the cloathing and Fish and the
want of usual indulge and extra allowance on finishing crop. He also stated that the Gang were subject
to ill-treatment by Mr. McCollMcColl, John the head Overseer.
7. Charles -(Cattle-keeper) repeated the statement of Plato , and complained that
Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard had flogged him for shewing Mr. JohnsonJohnson, John some Cattle belonging to him,
on the day he (Mr. (J.)JohnsonJohnson, John) inspected the Stock belonging to the Estate-and that a Cow and
Calf of the number had been received by Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard in payment of Rent of Store at
Calliaqua. b
8. Big Harry }
9. Daniel }Stated that they received their allowance of penistons, but only 5 yds of Calico and 1 1/2lbs
of Fish.
10. William }
11. Primus -complained of the same deficiency in the Penistons and of Mr. McColl's
ill-treatment of the Gang.
12. Will -repeated the statement of the above complainant.
13. Lucinda -complained of the living in general and the frequent flogging inflicted
by Mr. McCollMcColl, John.
14. Mary Ann -stated that the Negroes were deprived of the Stores sent out for
them, and that the Slaves belonging to Eliza were sent by her with Barley, Thread
candles & other articles belonging to the Estate to Calliaqua for Sale where she
has a Shop in charge of a woman named Kitty .
15. Argott -complained of the same deficiencies; and repeats the statement of this
above complainant, with the addition of Mr. McColl's ill-treatment, and that the
10.32.
[Page 17]
17

little indulgences they were formerly allowed were suspended when Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard came
on the Property.
16. Precilla . this Woman stated that Soap, Candles and other things belonging to
the Estate were sent to Calliaqua for sale by Eliza , and that they had no indulgence
at Christmas. repeated also the statement respecting deficiency of allowance and added
that since the Gang came forward to complain to Mr. JohnsonJohnson, John, Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard had
threatened to kill them all as soon as he (Mr. (J.)JohnsonJohnson, John) quitted the Island.
17. Ann stated as the last complainant respecting the sale of Stores belonging to the
Estate by Eliza .
18. Baby repeated the several statements of Precilla (the 16th complainant).
19. Clarissa . the complaints of this Woman were in recapitulation of the several
above recited statements, with the addition that her mother had left 8 children
who were not taken care of._a
20. Lead (the Sick Nurse) this woman acknowledged that she received her proper
allowance of cloathing, but that the Gang in general did not stated that the deficiency
originated in the stretching of the cloth when being measured.
21. Wilkes (the head Carpenter)b stated that the Fish was not weight and that the
Negroes had long complained of the deficiency in the cloathing. At Christmas he
only received 4 lbs of Pork.
22. Primus (the head Driver) Stated that the Fish and cloathing were deficient
and complained of the want of indulgence on finishing crop and the ill-usage
of the Gang by Mr. McCollMcColl, John. who would not listen to the good character of a Negro
in mitigation of punishment, and frequently checked him (Primus ) for speaking in recommendation
. stated also that the Negroe's grounds were not sufficient.c
23. Lucia complained of not being allowed Candles and Soap during her confinement.
24. big Present Stated that she had 5 children to maintain without the least indulgence
in consideration thereof.
Primus (the head Driver) again questioned. Have you any complaints to make against
the character of the 1st complainant Harry Antigua So, So. he good working Negro
"massa". Quest: What is your opinion of Joshua , of Christmas and Plato ? ansr. No
"fault, dey good Neger massa quest: Have you any objections to make towards any
"of those that have complained? ans. No quest: were you in the field upon the occasion
referred to by Precilla and Baby (the 16th + 18th complainants) when Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard threatened
(as stated by them) to kill them all as soon as I quitted the Island? ans. Yes quest:
did you hear Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard say so? ans. no quest.
Do you think you should have
"heard him if had said so? ans. Yes".
10.33.
[Page 18]
18

Finding that the Gang continued to come forward and that their complaints rested
entirely on the foregoing Statements. I informed them collectively of the nature of
the charges which had been preferred, and the consequences of their being proved
unfounded, with a view to eliciting counter-evidence-but they were unanimous in the
exclamation True, massa, true, all true.
I now had to appeal to Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard, whose conduct during these proceedings
was highly reprehensible and discredible to him, and not only obliged me occasionally
to desire his silence, but called for the repeated interference of Colonel Jackson who
as a friend endeavoured to check the violence of his temper and the frequent interruptions
during the statements of the Negroes-his reply amounted to a very brief denial
of every charge-but it was necessary that some proof should be adduced.
Mr. McCollMcColl, John stated that the complaints respecting the deficiency of provisions and
cloathing were false and that the several servings were recorded in the plantation
Journal, he admitted however the possibility of some deficiency arising from the stretching
in the measurement, but declared that he was not aware of it. I have referred to
the Journal and extracted the proportions of provisions and cloathing therein
stated to have been distributed, and required of Mr. McCollMcColl, John to make oath that
such statements were correct, this he undertook to do, as far as 'his knowledge and
belief' justified it, but he had been only in occasional attendance at the several servings. a
The following is a copy of the affidavit.
10.33.1.
Note: Affidavit
"I John McCollMcColl, John acting in the capacity of head overseer on Fairhall Estate
"do hereby swear most solemnly that I have been present and have assisted occasionally
at the several serving of provisions and cloathing made to the Negroes belonging
to the said Estate, and that the following allowances have been properly
"made to each, to the best of my knowledge and belief."
"Cloathing-To the Drivers, Head Carpenter, Cooper, Boilerman, and Boatswain of the Mill
"penniston-12 yds. Calico-12 yds. Skeins of white Thread 8. Skeins of blue Thread 8.
"Needles 6. Hat 1. Great Coat 1-each."
"To the Field Negroes, Tradesmen and Invalids-pennistons of 6 yds-Calico 6 yds,
"skeins of white Thread 4-skeins of blue thread 4,- Needles 3-Hats 1 each."
"To the Grass Gang-pennistons 4 yards-Calico 4 yards, Skeins of white thread 4,
"skeins of blue thread 4-Needles 2-Hats 1-each."
To the children-pennistons 3 yards-Calico 3 yards-skeins of white thread-
"4-skeins of blue thread 4-Needles 2-Hat 1-each."
10.34.
[Page 19]
19

10.34.1.
Note: Affidavit
"Christmas Provisions | | Pork lbs. | Flour qts. | Sugar qts | Rum pints |
"3 Drivers - 1 head Carpenter - 1 Boilerman - 1 Cooper - 1 Boatswain of the mill | each | 8 | 6 | 1 | 2 |
"Field Negroes - Invalids and Tradesmen | | 4 | 3 | 1/2 | 1 |
"Grass Gang | | 3 | 2 | 1/2 | " |
"Children and Infants | | 2 | 1 | 1/2 | " |
"The Sick Nurse and Midwife have an extra allowance of each | | 4 | " | " | " |
"Weekly Provisions | | | Fish lbs | | |
"To the Drivers | each | | 4 | | |
"To the Head Boilerman, Boatswain, and Carpenter | " | | 3 | | |
"To the Great and small Gangs and Cooper | " | | 2 | | |
"To the grass Gang | " | | 1 1/2 | | |
"To the children and infants | " | | 1 | | |
Sworn before us at Fairhall Estate this 4th (Aug.)August 1824.
Question put to Mr. McCollMcColl, John by Mr. JohnsonJohnson, John. When was it that it came to your knowledge
that I held any authority to justify my interference in matters connected with
"this property?" a ans: Not until the other day (the 26th) when you inspected the Negroes
"and then I only suspected.
I now recapitulated to the Gang the substance of Mr. McCollMcColl, John's statement in contradiction
of the several above-recited charges, and endeavored to explain to them the
nature of the oath which he had taken in support of his statement and I also communicated
to them the declaration made by Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard that their complaints were
totally unfounded-this only elicited a repetition of the exclamation true, true, massa,
all true-and I was obliged to dismiss them for the present-until I should have an opportunity
of investigating further and weighing in my mind the several statements before
me. With respect to the charges against Mr. McCollMcColl, John I had seen sufficient to justify the
conclusion that they were materially correct And I took this opportunity of speaking to
him in the presence of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard upon the impropriety of his enforcing an order by
his laying hold of the garment of the person whom he had desired to execute it, which I
had frequently noticed, and of his inflicting corporeal punishment at all, which I again
expected ought to be confined to the representation of the proprietor alone, and then only
under such circumstances and at such a time and place best calculated to operate on the
minds of the gang, collectively.
It would be difficult to conceive the situation in which I was placed and the feelings
_________________________
10.35.
[Page 20]
20

which naturally prevailed with respect to the conflicting evidence upon which I was called
upon to decide, more especially when it is known that Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard expected upon his
bare contradiction of the charges, that I would punish indiscriminately the several Negroes
that had come forward to complain. I might with equal propriety have commenced
with the list and flogged thro' the whole gang so unanimous were they in declaring their
grievances-let me however here do him the justice if it can at all be redound to his credit
that when he called upon me to punish the several complainants whose names have
been noticed, he was speaking under the influence of extreme irritability.
That much had been advanced by the Negroes without foundation was a fair allowance
to be made, but still there was an actuating cause to be regarded even for their
assertions, however groundless in themselves but I cannot at this moment divest myself
of the impression that much more than I have had an opportunity of proving has long
prevailed to the prejudice of the Estate and in taking a review of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard's
general conduct I am still further convinced that he is materially deficient in the
necessary qualifications for the situation he holds. It is true that the oath of
Mr. McCollMcColl, John was not to be treated with neglect in contradiction of the most material
charges, but it was also to be remembered that in making this affidavit he was particular
(as a matter of course) in swearing only 'to the best of his knowledge and belief'
which proved to be very limited with regard to the transactions referred to-Acquitting
him therefore of any participation in or knowledge of the malversation in question
I was to allow the evidence of the head Driver, the head boiler and the man Wilkes
(who is chief Carpenter, and bears an excellent character). Together with the concurrent
statements of the several other complainants to have some weight, and having
proved that articles, (in a particular instance Barley) had been conveyed by Eliza's slaves
from the Estate to Calliaqua, altho she declared it to be her own, I was justified in
concluding that there was more truth in the statements of the Negroes than I had
the means of proving. a Under these circumstances I considered it desirable, as
far as it could be effected with propriety to heal the wound without probing it, at the
same time to leave as little latent inflammation as possible. I nevertheless found upon taking
a review of the several charges preferred, that there were some complaints not only
unfounded as far as counter-evidence could make them appear so, but which betrayed an
ill-disposition on the part of the complainants, and their unfavorable character went further
to justify my punishing them. I accordingly on the following day (the 5th) having previously
concerted with Colonel Jackson that he should recommend them to mercy, ordered the
14th and 16th complainants to be punished. At this time I was much surprised at hearing a general
howl from the gang and could not conceive the cause: it proved that Eliza influenced
by a very laudable curiosity had shewn herself at a Window and they were thus
________________________
10.36.
[Page 21]
21

greeting her. A few lashes were inflicted when the proposed interference of Colonel Jackson
in their behalf and in behalf of the gang generally was the preliminary to my
speaking to them on the subject of their future conduct and with regard to the unjustness
of some of the complaints they had made, assuring them at the same time that I
would make arrangements for correcting such matters as I thought deserved my attention
. It was upon this occasion that I spoke to them respecting their cloathing and
their ragged and dirty appearance and prepared them for the substitution of Osnaburg
for Calico and the later period of the year for the distribution. Several
now again came forward and asked me who I intended to leave in charge when I
quitted the Island and the name of Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard gave rise to another general
exclamation, and I had again to address them, to the effect that Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard
had promised me that he would overlook all that had taken place and would begin
again with them; and that so long as they continued to keep their promise of
future good conduct I expected that he would keep his a the only circumstance that
seemed to reconcile them was the assurance that I would shortly see them again.
While these proceedings were going on I had made some arrangements for
my departure from the Island, for I had already protracted my stay beyond the
period I had proposed to myself when I left Antigua and the state of my health
still rendered my stay irksome to me. I had visited Calliaqua in company with
Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard Colonel Jackson and his Son for the purpose of taking my passage
in a Vessel laying there, about to depart, and I took that opportunity of asking Mr.
RobertsonRobertson, Richard which was the Store belonging to the Estate, with the intention of inspecting
it before I quitted the Island. He pointed to an old crazy wooden building of
about 60 feet in length situated on the beach: (as will be seen by a reference to the
annexed Plan, and view taken from Station A.) It had only come to my knowledge
within a few days that there was a Store at Calliaqua belonging to Fairhall Estate
and a report of it having been broken open was the clew to the discovery. As
a point of duty I now projected the inspection of it, and accordingly took the
earliest opportunity of visiting Calliaqua; when to my astonishment I was informed
not only the Store in question belonged to the Property but that an extensive
range of Stone building (hereupon pointed out to me) in front of the Beach was also
owned by the proprietor of Fairhall Estate. I found the keys of these Stores in the
possession of a Mulatto man of the name of Laing who had formerly rented part of them
and who had disposed of the Cow and calf in payment of the Rent noticed by the complainant
Charles . I spoke to him on this subject and he informed me (I quote from the words taken
down at the time) that he owed to the Estate on account of Rent 12 Joes b and that he
valued the Cow and calf at 24 Joes, which Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard agreed to take, as he had
________________________
10.37.
[Page 22]
22

no other means of paying, and he, Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard 'discounted' the difference, i.e.: gave Laing
12 Joes. He also informed me that one part of the principal store (see Plan g) was rented by
Doctor Choppin and that the Rooms above were occupied by a Woman named Rebecca Brown
at 1 Joe (p.)per month. The position of this extensive building, in which are deposited the Stores belonging
to Fairhall Estate is only separated from the dilapidated and open part of the original
building by a thin wooden partition which renders the Stores deposited therein
extremely unsafe. The accompanying plan and Views of the Buildings will give a
better conception of their character and extent that can be conveyed by words, and I
measured them with as much accuracy as possible-it is nevertheless incumbent upon me
to notice the shameful neglect in allowing the larger building particularly, to be pulled
to pieces as it has been; and if the statement of Mr. Laing is to be credited Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard
first set the example. It bears evidence of having been built at a very considerable expense
and of the best materials, and the well squared stones of which it was composed (formed
only at considerable expense in this country) were carried away every night (as Mr. Laing
informed me) from the dilapidated part without the least interruption a. The whole of
this lot, with the exception of the parts g and f and the rooms above in the occupation of
Rebecca Brown is at present unappropriated and the Estate may be said to be without
a safe repository for the Plantation Stores landed at Calliaqua.
________________________
It now only remains for me to observe in conclusion that the several evils to
which the foregoing statements refer (more particularly with regard to the government
of the Property) and which I have endeavored to notice, without prejudice, in
succession, as they opened upon me: developed themselves so unexpectedly and
so suddenly, that had I come to the determination of superceding Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard
from any further controul of the property I was not sufficiently acquainted with
any person in the Island in whom I could place sufficient confidence to leave
as a successor, and the reasons already assigned with regard to the Negros
taking advantage of such an immediate change, induced me rather to suspend
a measure for the present which would have protracted my stay in the Island
and might have proved prejudicial to the property, particularly as the several
abuses had received a check by my interference, if they are not now in some respects
totally removed. My sentiments, however were fully communicated
to Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richardin a Letter I addressed to him from Antigua, a Copy of which
is annexed.
I quitted Saint Vincent on the 16th (Aug)August: and returned to Antigua on the 23rd.
________________________
10.38.
[Page Two unnumbered figures]
10.39. View of the Stores at Calliaqua
10.40.
10.41. View of the Principal Store
10.42.
[Page unnumbered figure]
10.43. Plan of the Stores at Calliaqua
10.44.
[Page 23]
10.45. List of Negroes on Brebner and Fairhall Estate, taken 26th July 1824
23

taken
26th July 1824. Note-Those marked with * are the principal complainants noticed in this Report.
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks &c: |
Essex | 67 | attending the Calves | Soco. | | single | very feeble. Has deformed Feet. Well disposed. D. July 1833 |
Castillo | 67 | Watchman | Congo. | Methodist | D: | rather infirm |
Saint John | 67 | | Coramantes | | | Blind and superanuated |
Joe Bruce Bruce, Joe | 62 | 2nd Gang | Congo. | Methodist | Single | This man is healthy. Has several Children living. |
Antivine | 57 | Watchman | Ebo | D: | Widower | Weakly. Well disposed |
Tamarine | 57 | D: | Soco. | D: | Single | |
Blunt | 52 | D: at Calliaqua | Ebo | D: | D: | healthy and bears a good character D. Feb 1833 |
Minton | 52 | Field & Watchman | Creole | D: | D: | affected by Hernia |
Pompey | 52 | Watchman | Congo. | D: | D: | has Elephantiases |
Wilkes * | 52 | Head Carpenter | Creole of Antigua | Church | D: | subject to Hepatical affection |
Primus (big) * | 49 | Head Driver | Creole | D: | D: | has several children, a healthy man & good character D. Nov 1834 |
Dover (big) | 47 | Driver 2nd Gang | Coromantee | Methodist | D: | subject to Liver complaint |
Pierce | 47 | Watchman | Ebo | D: | Widower | |
Ben | 47 | Groom | Soco | | Single | Lazy and a great Drunkard. |
William (big) * | 47 | Field 1st Gang | Creole | Methodist | D: | he is well disposed |
Adam (big) | 42 | D: | Moco | | D: | an indifferent character neglects his provision grounds D. unreadable |
Apollo | 42 | D: | Creole | Methodist | Married | healthy but bad tempered. Complains of having been 5 months without a House |
Colin | 42 | D: | Congo | D: | D: | Healthy |
Harry (big) * | 42 | D: | Creole | D: | D: | lame knee |
Robin (big) | 42 | 2nd Driver | D: | Church | Widower | Healthy |
Cuffy | 42 | Head Cooper | D: | Methodist | Single | has frequently complained of Hernia and lately had a ? stroke |
Charles * | 42 | head Cattle keeper | Soco | D: | D: | much Raptured |
Symon | 42 | Field 1st Gang | Congo | D: | D: | Lazy & indifferent character, also a runaway |
Felix | 42 | Stock keeper ie: cows | Creole | D: | D: | has Leprosy |
Fairburn | 42 | Watchman | Coromantee | D: | Married | much raptured. ? Of no use D. June 1833 |
Tim (Congo) | 42 | Field & Boiler | Congo | D: | Single | subject to Rheumatism & is raptured |
Joe (big) * | 42 | head Boiler | Creole | D: | Married | healthy and well disposed |
King (big) | 42 | Carpenter | D: | D: | D: | good character |
Peter (big) | 39 | Field & Carter | Pappaus | D: | D: | Healthy & well disposed, but drinks |
Pitt | 37 | Fisherman | Nawee | D: | Single | Healthy. Is prevented he says visiting Chapel by Fishing |
Ponto | 37 | Field | Coromantee | D: | D: | Lazy and a runaway |
Cummins | 37 | Field & Distiller | Soco | D: | D: | Lazy, neglects his grounds |
Hampstead | 37 | Field 1st Gang | Creole | D: | Married | Healthy & well disposed |
John Taylor * | 37 | D: | D: | D: | Single | D: D: has several Children |
Isaac | 37 | Field & Boatswain | D: | D: | Married | Healthy, but is fond of Liquor |
London | 37 | Watchman | Coromantee | D: | Single | good character |
Hamden | 37 | Field 1st Gang | Creole | D: | Married | Slightly affected by Hernia |
Hannibal | 37 | Cook | Soco | D: | D: | Healthy |
Ovid | 37 | Grass Cutter | Creole | D: | Widower | sore legs. Rose |
10.46.
[Page 24]
24

___________ Males continued. __________
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks &c: |
Rodney | 37 | Watchman | Ebo | Methodist | Married | Healthy and well disposed |
Rodger (big) | 37 | Cooper | Timney | D: | Single | good character but drinks |
Asop | 32 | Field & Boiler | Creole | D: | Married | Healthy and well disposed |
Billy | 32 | Field 1st Gang | Soco | D: | D: | Lazy indifferent character maybe ? D. Sept 1833 |
Christmas * | 32 | D: | Creole | D: | Single | Healthy |
Casar | 32 | Blacksmith | D: | D: | D: | well disposed this man has been? |
Georgey | 32 | Stock Heaper | Coromantee | D: | D: | Healthy-has not been to a ? |
Ned | 32 | Field & Fisher | Creole | D: | D: | Healthy and ? |
Toney | 32 | Manson | Coromantee | D: | D: | Healthy-too found of liquor |
Harry (Antigua) * | 30 | Field 1st Gang | Creole | D: | D: | Indifferent character ? D. Jan 4 1834 |
Fairhall | 27 | D: | Coromantee | D: | Single | Lazy & frequently drunk ? |
Joshua * | 27 | D: | Creole | D: | D: | Healthy |
Plato * | 27 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D:has several children |
St. Vincent | 25 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D:? |
Primus (little) | 25 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Daniel * | 25 | D: | D: | | D: | Hernia ? |
Jim (little) | 25 | charge of Mules | D: | | Married | Healthy ? |
Coventry | 23 | Field & Carter | D: | Methodist | D: | D: D. May 1852 |
Harry (little) | 23 | Field & Gang | D: | | Single | Lazy |
Peter (little) | 23 | D: | D: | | D: | Healthy and ? |
Edmund | 23 | D: | D: | Church | D: | Healthy |
Moses | 23 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: has children |
Primus | 23 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D:has children |
Bob | 23 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: good character |
Hugh Blair Blair, Hugh | 22 | Carpenter | D: | D: | D: | well disposed |
Pye | 22 | Field 1st Gang | D: | Church | D: | D: was Healthy |
Mavrick | 22 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: was Healthy |
Will * | 21 | D: | D: | D: | D: | obedient character |
Philander | 21 | D: | D: | Church | D: | Healthy |
Matty | 21 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D:? |
Cadoes | 21 | ? | D: | Church | D: | D:--D: |
Amby | 20 | Manager's ditt | D: | Methodist | D: | D:--D: |
Darby | 20 | Field 1st Gang | D: | | D: | D:--D: |
Joe (little) | 20 | Mason | D: | Methodist | D: | D:--D: |
Saturday | 20 | Cooper | D: | Church | D: | D:--D: |
John alias Mingo | 20 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | | D: | Lazy and bad character |
Dover (little) | 19 | Field 1st Gang | D: | Methodist | D: | Healthy |
Sam | 19 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Newport | 19 | D: | D: | D: | D: | D: and good character |
Tom alias Bonaparte | 18 | D: | D: | D: | D: | a great rogue |
King (little) | 18 | Overseer's Servant | D: | | D: | |
10.47.
[Page 25]
25

___________ Males continued. __________
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks &c: |
Robert | 17 | apprenticed to a plumber | Creole (mulatta) | Church | Single | Healthy, lives at Calliaqua |
Jerry | 17 | Field 2nd Gang | Creole | Methodist | D: | D: subject to fits |
Hobson | 17 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
Adam (little) | 14 | D: | D: | | D: | D: and well disposed |
Natty | 14 | apprenticed to his Father King carpenter | D: | Methodist | D: | D: good character |
Othello | 14 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Cupid | 14 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
Sambo | 14 | Grass Gang | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Alexander | 15 | works with Cuffy the cooper | Creole (mulatta) | | D: | In tolerable health, for many years sickly |
Abraham | 13 | Field 2nd Gang | Creole | | D: | Healthy and well disposed |
Aberdeen | 13 | D: | D: | | D: | D: D: |
Rodger (little) | 13 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: D: |
Sackey | 13 | D: | D: | | D: | |
Sandy | 11 | Grass Gang | Creole (mulatta) | | D: | Healthy |
St. Kitts | 11 | D: | Creole | | D: | ill disposed healthy |
William | 11 | D: | Creole (mullatto) | Methodist | D: | Healthy |
Baillic | 10 | D: | Creole | D: | D: | D: |
Prince | 10 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
George | 10 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
Grandson | 10 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
Fairfield | 10 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
David | 10 | apprenticed to Father Wilkes | D: | | D: | D: |
Robin (little) | 9 | Grass Gang | D: | | D: | D: |
Hamlet | 9 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
Hope | 9 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
Tamarine (little) | 8 | D: | D: | | D: | D: D. Jan 1835 |
Kerran | 8 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
Quashey | 6 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Dickey | 6 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Joseph | 5 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
James | 5 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
John | 5 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Edmond | 3 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Fairburn | 3 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Bristol | 2 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Charlie | 2 | | D: | | D: | D: |
10.48.
[Page 26]
26

___________ Females. __________
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks &c: |
Kate (old) | 72 | | Guinea | | | Superannuated |
Janto | 72 | | Fantee | | | D: |
Baby (old) | 67 | dry Nurse | Congo | Methodist | Single | |
Beck | 67 | | Soco | | D: | D. May 1832 |
Chloe | 62 | picks Castor oil seed | Moco | Methodist | Married | weak |
Molmato | 62 | | Ebo | | | many years superannuated |
Blacky (old) | 57 | | Ebo | | | infirm |
Lisby | 52 | Driver Grass gang | Nawee | Methodist | Married | healthy for her age |
Belinda | 52 | care of orphans of late Phillis Taylor | Pappa | D: | Single | D: |
Dorcas | 52 | attends Garden | Fantee | D: | D: | weak and infirm |
Molly Burton Burton, Molly | 52 | Cook to Overseers | Creole of Antigua | D: | D: | weak |
Olivia (big) | 52 | Field 2nd Gang | Ebo | D: | Widow | healthy |
Patty | 47 | | Soco | | Single | Gutta Serena. Has several children |
Bess (big) | 47 | Washer | Congo | Methodist | Married | Sickly |
Joan | 47 | Field 1st Gang | Ashantee | D: | Single | weak |
Phillis (Brebner) Brebner, Phillis | 43 | Washer | Creole | Church | D: | formerly with Mr. Lumsden |
Susannah | 43 | | Ashantee | Methodist | Married | has six children. Exempted from labor ? |
Ann Taylor Taylor, Ann | 42 | in charge of Fowls | Creole | D: | Single | subject to Rhematism seasonally D. May 1832 |
Belinda (Brebner) Brebner, Belinda | 42 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | Church | D: | ? |
Frances (big) | 42 | D: | Soco | D: | D: | long troubles with swelling of abdomen |
Ann (Brebner) Brebner, Ann | 42 | D: | Creole | | D: | for some time an Invalid-Died ? In the Bowels. |
Franky | 42 | picks Castor seed | D: | | Married | has bad sores |
Hannah (big) | 42 | Field 2nd Gang | Soco | Methodist | D: | Healthy-complains of being prevented vistors while attending sheep. |
Harriett (big) | 42 | D: | Ebo | D: | D: | troubled with Rose. ? In legs. |
Jeany | 42 | ? | Creole of Antigua | D: | D: | |
Juliet (big) | 42 | Midwife | Creole | D: | Single | Healthy |
Lucinda * | 42 | Field 1st Gang | D: | D: | Widow | D: |
Mary Ann * | 42 | D: | D: | D: | Single | mullato mare |
Present * | 42 | D: | D: | D: | Married | Healthy |
Patience (guinea) | 42 | Jobber | Guinea | D: | Single | attends on Bella's orders |
Susey | 42 | | Ebo | | | Elephantiases covered with sores |
Sophy | 42 | Field 1st Gang | Ebo | Methodist | Single | Healthy |
Eve (big) | 42 | Field 2nd Gang | Moco | D: | Married | lapous of uterus[?] |
Louisa | 41 | D: | Ebo | D: | Widow | Healthy |
Rose (creols) | 40 | Field 1st Gang | Creole | Church | Single | Lazy-neglects her grounds D. May 1833 |
Juba | 39 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | subject to mal d'estomac |
Ayetta | 37 | Field 2nd Gang | Soco | D: | Married | subject to pain in her side |
Bess (little) | 37 | Field 1st Gang | Soco | D: | Single | Healthy |
Betty | 37 | D: | Fantee | D: | Married | |
Charlotte (big) | 37 | | Creole | | Single | Leprosy |
10.49.
[Page 27]
27

___________ Females continued. __________
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks &c: |
Jane (big) | 37 | House Servant | Creole | Methodist | Single | great drunkard |
Latitia | 37 | Field 1st Gang | Ebo | D: | Married | Healthy |
Nayama | 37 | | Soco | | Single | has symptoms of leprosy. Tattooed. |
Rosallie | 37 | | Ebo | Methodist | Married | Healthy |
Sylvia | 37 | Field 2nd Gang | Creole | D: | D: | swelled Legs crysiperias for some years |
Celia | 35 | D: | D: | D: | Widow | has sores on her ankle |
Hannah (little) | 35 | D: | D: | D: | Single | weakly |
Lead * | 37 | Sick Nurse | D: | D: | D: | Healthy |
Yabba | 37 | Field 1st Gang | Coromantee | D: | D: | has had sore legs for upwards of 3 years D. Jan 1832 |
Lucia * | 34 | D: | Creole | D: | Married | indifferent character |
Patience (long) | 34 | Field 2nd Gang | Ebo | | D: | trouble with Yaws D. Feb 1832 |
Pricilla * | 34 | Field 1st Gang | Soco | Methodist | Single | Lazy, neglects her grounds, has children |
Clarissa * | 33 | D: | Creole | Church | D: | Healthy |
Cinda | 32 | D: | Ebo | Methodist | D: | ? |
Frances (little) | 32 | D: | Creole | Church | Married | Healthy |
Minerva | 32 | D: | D: | D: | Single | Healthy |
Nancy | 32 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | Methodist | Married | ? Legs |
Lucy | 31 | Field 1st Gang | D: | D: | Single | Healthy |
Argot * | 30 | D: | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Betsey | 27 | D: | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Catherine (big) | 27 | D: | D: | D: | Married | D: |
Rosette | 27 | D: | D: | Church | Single | D: D. Feb 1834 |
Daphne | 25 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | Sickly |
Judy | 25 | D: | D: | D: | D: | Healthy, indifferent character |
Diana | 23 | | D: | | D: | badly affected by Leprosy-deformed feet |
Eve (little) | 22 | Field 1st Gang | D: | Church | D: | Healthy |
Peg | 22 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Sophia | 21 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | Church | D: | Leprosy |
Lena | 21 | Field 1st Gang | D: | D: | D: | Healthy, has children |
Patience (little) | 20 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: D. July 1833 |
Rachael | 19 | D: | D: | Church | D: | Healthy |
Quasheba (big) | 19 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Polly | 19 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Pomilla | 19 | D: | D: | | D: | D: |
Nanno | 19 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Baby (little) * | 18 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Blacky (little) | 18 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Charlotte (little) | 18 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Jane (little) | 18 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | D: | Married | D: |
Mimba | 18 | Field 1st Gang | D: | Church | Single | D: |
10.50.
[Page 28]
28

___________ Females continued. __________
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks &c: |
Phoeby | 18 | Field 1st Gang | Creole | Methodist | Single | Healthy |
Peggy | 17 | D: | D: | D: | D: | Healthy |
Janto (little) | 17 | light work | D: | D: | D: | has had symptoms of ? |
Dolly | 17 | Field 1st Gang | D: | D: | D: | Healthy |
Elsey (big) | 17 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Elizabeth | 17 | Field 1st Gang | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Fanny | 17 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Floritta | 17 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Gracy | 17 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Angelick | 17 | Field 1st Gang | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Charlotte Taylor Taylor, Charlotte | 16 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Harriet (little) | 16 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Mina | 16 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Quasheba (little) | 15 | Grass Gang | D: | D: | D: | very small for her age |
Nanny | 15 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | D: | D: | Healthy |
Janet | 15 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Hetty | 15 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Elsey (little) | 15 | D: | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Sally | 12 | D: | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Venus | 11 | Grass Gang | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Phillian | 11 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Nanny (little) | 11 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Nancy (little) | 11 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Mary Ann (little) | 11 | D: | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Catherine (mulatta) | 11 | D: | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Margaret | 11 | Field 2nd Gang | D: | D: | D: | D: |
March | 11 | D: | D: | D: | D: | D: |
Minnie | 11 | Grass Gang | D: | | D: | D: |
Penelope | 10 | D: | D: | Methodist | D: | D: |
Sarah | 10 | D: | D: | Church | D: | D: |
Penny | 8 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Phoeba | 8 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Betty (little) | 7 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Unacky | 7 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Monimia | 5 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Mary (mulatta) | 5 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Eliza (mulatta) | 5 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Jemina | 5 | | D: | | D: | D: D. Feb 1833 |
Juliet (little) | 4 | | D: | | D: | D: |
Eleanor | 3 | | D: | | D: | D: |
10.51.
[Page 29]
29

___________ Females continued. __________
Names | Age | Occupation | African or Creole | Church or Methodist | Single or Married | Remarks &c: |
Nelly | 3 | | Creole | | | Healthy |
Olivia (little) | 1 | | D: | | | D: |
Affua | 3 months | | D: | | | D: |
Baby or Babet | 14 days | | D: | | | D: Total Females 124 |
| | | Africans | Church | Methodists | Married | Children and no Religion |
| Males | 116 | 29 | 12 | 65 | 23 | 39 |
| Females | 124 | 33 | 34 | 61 | 25 | 29 |
| Total | 240 | 62 | 46 | 126 | 48 | 68 |
The proportion of middle aged and young people is favorable, there being 177 in number under
the age of 40, of whom among the Males there are 47 between the ages of 20 and 40 and 41 between
2 years and 20 and among the Females 35 in No. between 20 and 40 and 54 in No. between Infants
and 20. In 1818 there were 282 Negroes composing the Gang, since which time the decrease has
been very considerable: of the names on the list at that time 25 have died between the ages of
40 and upwards. 13 between 20 and 40, and 10 children-making 48 in number independently of
Infants that have been born in the mean time without appearing in the Returns. Against this decrease
of 48, there are only 5 in number in favor of the Estate:
In 1818 the number was…282
In 1824 the number as above (one since dead)…239
Total decrease…43
The gang taken collectively may be considered Healthy, and the young people particularly so;
_____________________
10.52.
[Page 30]
10.53. List of Cattle &c. on Fairhall & Brebner Estate, 27th July 1824
30

_________________________________________________________________________________________
Working Oxen | | Cows | | Steers | | Mules |
Butler, old ??[?] | | Liddy, poor + old | | Christmas, good | | Janto, poor |
Smart, old and poor | | Nancy, ??[?] | | Wednesday, good | | Beauty |
Bob, very poor and weak | | Phillis, old, middling | | Joney, middling | | Harry |
Haffie, old, but in condition | | Abba, middling | | | | Joney |
Tuesday, poor | | Sally, old, middling | | Calves | | Gracy |
Thursday, middling | | Nelly, middling, not old | | Tom Bull, good | | Nancy, sick |
Friday, poor | | Mary Ann, poor | | John, good | | George, blind |
Diamond, very poor | | Madlane, poor but not old | | Cork, middling | | Kerran, ?? |
Fairhall, poor | | | | Minerva, good | | Lucky, poor |
Eustatia, middling | | Heifers | | Patty, good | | Matilda, ??[?] Good |
Charles, good | | Rachael, poor | | Hannah, good | | Jemmy, poor |
Dublin, very poor | | Lucy, poor | | | | Prince |
Hill, old and poor | | Sarah, good | | Pasture Bull | | |
Glenn, very poor | | Flora, middling | | Blackman (black) too small | | Asses |
Newport, poor | | Harriet, good | | | | Matty, middling |
Antigua, tolerable | | Phoebe, middling | | Horses | | John |
Saturday, middling | | Peg, good | | Donald | | Jenny |
Billy, poor | | | | Dalzel (black) | | Sheep…20 |
_________________________________________________________________________________________
Recapitulation
Working Oxen | Cows | Heifers | Steers | Calves | Bull | Horses | Mules | Asses | Sheep |
18 | 8 | 7 | 3 | 6 | 1 | 2 | 12 | 3 | 20 |
____________
The foregoing List betrays no very favorable character of the Stock in general, but it is to be
observed that they were inspected at the end of Crop, and were consequently in their worst condition.
Among the Horned Cattle the Cows may be considered the worst, and age the prevailing complaint.
The Mules altho poor were tolerably healthy.
10.54.
[Page 31]
10.55. Queries suggested by Mr. Gordon not Answered in the body of this Report
31

Queries suggested by Mr. Gordon not Answered in the body of this Report.
Was the enormous sum of 7 1/2 Joes for a Barrel of Flour paid in Rum? | By reference to the Accounts this proved to be a mistake: it was 3 1/2 Joes, paid in Cash. |
Are there any Moravians, established at (St.)Saint Vincent? | There are no Moravians at (St.)Saint Vincent, a circumstance much to be regretted-there is no doubt they would meet with every encouragement. |
Has the £49.6.9 due from Mr. HugginsHuggins, Edward been recovered; also the proceeds of Furniture sold? | The original debt amounted to 180.3.1 pounds for rent of Store at Calliaqua and was reduced to £49.6.9 pounds which has not been paid. Mr. HugginsHuggins, Edward now resides at Trinidad. Of the proceeds of the Furniture Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard has nothing. |
What outstanding accounts are on the books? | A small sum about 10 pounds appeared due by the Estate to the late provost Marshall, but no record appearing on his books it was not claimed. Farquhard CampbellCampbell, Farquhard appears also a Creditor for £70 but he disposed of some old Copper belonging to the Estate which redeemed it. |
What are Wallowers? | Wallowers are small steel or iron tethers attached to the Mill houses for the purpose of easing the friction of the Cogs. |
___________________
Memo. Mr. Lumsden who frequently made application for the exchange of Phillis Brebner
for a woman and child left Saint Vincent for Jamaica and America about 2 or 3 years
ago, and has not since been heard of. The negociation therefore with respect to the exchange
could not be renewed. Phillis acts as Washer to the Overseers, and is never quiet.
Duplicate Vouchers with the Accounts were ordered to be sent home in future, as
also lists of Stores remaining on hand.
___________________
10.56.
[Page 32]
10.57. Copy of a Letter addressed to Richard Robertson Esq., St. Vincent, by Mr. Johnson
32

Copy of a Letter addressed to Richard Robertson Esq.Robertson, Richard, (St.)Saint Vincent, by Mr. JohnsonJohnson, John>.
10.57.1.
Note: a letter
However unnecessary or uncalled for you may deem it that I should go into
the detail I propose to myself in this Letter, and strange as it may appear that the
sentiments it is intended to convey were not more openly declared to you previously to
my departure from Saint Vincent, are questions which may be answered in a few words:
First then I should be ill discharging my duty to Mr. Gordon and greatly abusing
the confidence reposed in me by him if I were to allow myself to disregard or not to
attempt to remove the several abuses which I found his property under your charge subjected
to, and that the measures calculated to effect so desirable an end were not openly
insisted upon by one before my departure is to be attributed to my having placed a large
share of confidence in your character and abilities in the first instance than you subsequently
proved yourself worthy of, and hence it became too late, from my limited stay in the
Island, to attempt an interference myself on a scale adequate to the magnitude of
the evils which had so suddenly and unexpectedly opened upon me. Secondly, had those
feelings which dictated the assurances I made you on our first interview been daily appreciated
by you and a similar openness and sincerity (which emanated from a
on my part in you favor) and which were prominently the characteristics of my whole
conduct been shown and felt on your side. I should not now have to revert to almost
every feature of our intercourse with pain and Regret, and before my departure I
should have thought you entitled to a more free and candid avowal of my sentiments
with a view to coming to an amicable understanding and to remedy the evils of which
I have now more particularly to complain to effect which I could discern no disposition
on your part. Unfortunately I met with none of that "cordial cooperation
which you affected to hope for in your Letter to Mr. Gordon with no anxiety to promote
investigation, or disposition to recognize me as the Representative of him who had a right
to investigate, altho' you knew it to be required of me-with none of that Calm dispassionate
behavior which conscious integrity inspires: On the Contrary, your conduct at first
doubtful became more and more obscure until circumstances at last dissipated the
delusion, and the whole tenor of it assumed a broad and indisputable character.
Of your conduct to myself in the exercise of those ordinary principles of social intercourse
I should make no comment upon if it were not for the circumstance of
your having excited a feeling in the community that "your Friend whom you had invited
from the Tavern was wearing out his welcome at Fairhall" and it was not until
after I had quitted the Island that I became sensible of the extent of my obligations
to you, particularly for the preference, which you afforded me of residing on Mr. Gordon's
property instead of being subjected to the expense and inconvenience of living at a Tavern.
It would have been quite as well for Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard had he regarded my motives in their
[Page 33]
33

true light for not recording my power and for confining my enquiries and communications
respecting the property entirely to himself, instead of taking advantage of the ignorance
that prevailed in the Island that I held such authority and as a return for my
liberality have subjected me to an imputation which ere this must justly have recoiled
upon himself-he would have had less cause for apprehension and would have done
me more justice, for I will acknowledge (as much in justice to Mr. Gordon who I believe
entertained the same opinion as myself in your favor and who I suspect invested me
with the authority I hold purely with a view to acquiring information respecting his
property and not from any distrust towards you) that never had I felt so well
disposed towards any person in business intercourse of whom I knew so little never
had I anticipated a larger share of cordiality in the exercise of our relative duties
with any person I had been associated: than I looked forward to previous to
my introduction to yourself and never have I been more disappointed. There may
be, Sir, some little difference in our years but I may have so far the start of you
in experience as to venture to advise that in your intercourse with the world if you
were to shew less warmth you would have credit for more sincerity.
The most important point referred to by Mr. Gordon in a private memorandum
which in the Spirit of Confidence with which I at first opened the general character
of my mission to you, I shewed to you-to use his own words was "to see all the Slaves
separately and to ascertain their state of health and strength" and he proceeds "I wish
you to direct your attention to the state of the Hospitals. Nurses &c. and the cause of
the great decrease of Negroes, which leads me to apprehend there must be something
essentially wrong." I can openly avow without provoking a blush on my cheeks that
I had had dealings with Negroes before, and with my knowledge of their character
I was sensible that the measure above proposed would be at once declaring to them
my authority, which induced me to defer it until I should be about quitting the Island
that I might not be annoyed by petty complaints and solicitations and as much out
of delicacy towards yourself, lest in thus revealing my authority I might in any way
weaken yours: but when the time arrived when it became imperative upon me to follow
my Instructions how I was to account for Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard's painful anxiety to evade
the Investigation which induced him to descend to the propagation of a Falsehood!!
What was my object in requesting a list of the gang with columns for "age" "African
or Creole" "Single or Married" "Religion and General Remarks" respecting their "health" and
"strength" but that I might acquire a knowledge of those several points with regard to
each individual, and how was that knowledge to be acquired without a personal examination?
May I beg therefore that you will endeavor to recollect my having requested
two or three or four times that the Gang might be ordered to assemble between their Forenoon
and afternoon labor that the work of the Estate might not be interrupted and for
all this I was obliged to leave the House on the day at length appointed to prevent you
[Page 34]
34

ordering them into the Field, which you were about doing when I reminded you
of, or rather reiterated my intentions-What was your reply? "I thought you
"merely wished to see them together" (altho' I had repeatedly seen them in the same
situation) and "I saw you looking at them" Can I for a moment hesitate to
declare that you thought no such thing! You knew well what was required
of me by the person for whom I was acting -altho' you suspected that as I had
deferred it so long, I might be induced to put it off altogether. What followed
it is scarcely necessary that I should recapitulate, but it was too plain
that you anticipated the complaints that were subsequently made against you,
and I must notice by the way your intemperate behaviour before that Gang
whom you had been appointed to controul at once weakening your authority
over them, and aggravating the wound which it was your place to heal. Your
conduct, also, in calling for the aid of Magistrates without even consulting
me, or making known to me your intention, at a time when you knew that I was
anxious to do justice to both parties by an impartial hearing and investigation
and without having the means of making a charge yourself, or a knowledge
of those Negroes who had made complaints: was not only calculated
to bring about the same consequences (as one of the Magistrates
your most intimate friend remarked) but was likely to make a sensation
in the community at once reflecting discredit upon yourself. Of the investigation
when it did take place I feel confident (and I am happy that
Colonel Jackson and his Son were present on the occasion) that I never lost
sight of my peculiar and painful duty in attending to the charges preferred
against you, and the woman that lives with you, rendered more painful
by the repeated interruptions I experienced from you, and that my own private
opinion and feelings towards you, altho' widely different to those I had a few
weeks before entertained, and the anxiety to rid myself of so unpleasant a task:
operated so far in your favor that I candidly confess I overlooked the duty
which I now think I owed to Mr. Gordon to supersede you from the trust which
had so long been reposed in you-but let me here remark that I did not come
to Saint Vincent with a view to the Attorneyship of Fairhall Estate either for
myself or a friend, and I had only one line of duty to perform. I therefore
claim no thanks for reappointing you (having been obliged at length to record my
power to justify my right of interferences.) and I leave it to Mr. Gordon to confirm
or nullify your Authority. However, I will go further into detail that
I may fully justify my opinion, and will ask you whether it was prudent-was
it just-was it at all illustrative of that spirit of kindness and humanity which you
[Page 35]
35

you took such pains to make me believe was your natural disposition, and conduct
towards the Negroes: to inflict a severe punishment on the Cattle keeper for
bringing forward the Cattle belonging to yourself among those belonging to the
Estate? I have asked above 'was it just?' without regarding the insult thereby offered
to myself by your taking advantage my absence from the property to punish
him at all? And 'prudent' at such a time when a spirit of insubordination
prevailed in the Gang? And again I will take the liberty of asking what motive
could Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard have, when I begged that he would shew me the Store at
Caliaqua, belonging to the Estate, to point at an odd crazy wooden building
of about 60 feet in length (being one of the Stores attached to the property)
when there was also another Building and lot of Land of about six times its
size and importance, which he entirely disregarded? I repeat what reasons
could you have, Sir, for leading me to believe that there was only one Store and
that scarcely worth owning: and it was by mere chance that I detected the imposition,
this was very unlike 'cordial cooperation!' but I must wave further
considerations of this nature to regard those wills which I would see remedied.
First then I consider it imperative, and in the name of Mr. Gordon I
take upon myself to urge it as the first measure that ought to be adopted to
quiet minds of the Negroes: that Eliza leaves the Estate. There never has
yet been an instance of Negroes submitting quietly to the interference of a Female
in the government of an Estate, and I too plainly perceived the ill consequences
resulting from her participation in the management and the inveterate hatred
that prevailed in the Gang towards her or it is not necessary that I should dwell
upon this point. I urge it as a duty. Respecting the situation of the Stable
immediately to windward of, and adjoining to the Sick House, together with
the confined situation and dirty condition of the latter building I have
already given you my Sentiments and upon which subjects I had the concurrent
opinion of Doctor SmithSmith, Thomas, Dr.. I am now only induced to refer to them again because
I evidently saw no disposition on your part to remove the evils which you had
so long countenanced or overlooked and I cannot refrain from again
noticing the length of time that had elapsed after I had requested that
the Sick House might be cleared of cobwebs and dirt by which it was infested
before I could see it accomplished and the frivolous excuse you made (that
there was no brush on the property) after I had reiterated the request that the
Rooms might be whitewashed. I will next regard the Building which I recommended
as a Lying in Room, and urge the adoption of the measures
I proposed without loss of time; the want of such an establishment on the property
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36

being in my opinion one cause of the decrease of the Gang. And I would
also call your attention to the repairing of the Negro Houses with as little
delay as possible, which with a due regard to the comforts of the Gang and
the adoption of proper regulations with respect to their houses of labor, and
administering proper punishment which ought to be strictly confined to the
person in charge only, and then with as lenient a hand as the nature of the
offence will admit of: would soon bring about that proper subordination so
requisite in the controul of any large number of person (without particular
reference to a West India Estate) and reestablish that peace of mind among
the Negroes under your charge, of which they appear to have been so long destitute.
And by the way I will take the liberty of recommending that thing that
be recognized by them as Sunday labor should be dispensed with; and thro
observation refers more particularly to the throwing of Grass on Sunday mornings
and that alternate days should be appointed for the Cattle keepers and
Watchmen to attend Church or Chapel. With respect to the Works, the only
material circumstance that took my attention, with the exception of the repairs
which have already been noticed, was a want of cleanliness in the Boiling
House, and the ragged and dirty appearance of the Boilermen.
There are matters of minor importance which I shall pass over conceiving that
the have a collateral bearing with those I have already noticed; and I
have no only to observe that I have been compelled not only to go into the
detail I have, in noticing so much of your conduct as relates more particularly
to myself but to connect my private feelings towards you, so far with the
duty which I conceive I am discharging to Mr. Gordon as to make both
the subject of one Letter; as from the general tenor of that conduct and
the representations that have been made to me. I am justified to concluding
that you could only bring yourself to recognize me in my Official character without
even giving me credit for the necessary qualifications as the representative
of him who is I suspect better capable of estimating them, and whom I have no
doubt expected that Mr. RobertsonRobertson, Richard would have received me, and acted towards
me with feelings unprejudiced by any considerations connected with the nature of
my mission which has proved so offensive to him; altho' as I have before remarked
projected by Mr. Gordon without any feeling of distrust towards him.
I have only to add in conclusion that I have sufficiently weighed all
circumstances connected with our short intercourse, and I give you full
credit for your attention to my accommodation, which I shall ever feel most
anxious to return without confining myself to the limits of common hospitality or
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37

being actuated by similar motives in dispensing my bounty.
It is my intention to visit Saint Vincent in the ensuing year, in the mean time
I am open to any communication from you addressed to the care of
Masters Clayton Scott and Clayton in London.
11. Supplemental Materials
Note: These are related materials not physically bound with the Gordon Estates volume.
[Page]
11.1. Baker Map 1748
[Page]
11.2. J.B. Gordon Esq. Estate, 1794
11.3.
[Page]

Warrawaron-Dubuque ? Journal
Aug 10 1803 In Mortgage due to CampbellCampbell, Farquhard Registered Fairhall is 85 Acres
and also all that other piece a parcel of land ? laying on
being at the head of Warrawaron Valley in of said Parish of
St. George & called it used as Provision ground.
July 1775 No. 523 Large Annuity deed. Fairhall is 81 Acres & 22 Acres
1779 Valuation of Fairhall by Gordon Adam & McCollMcColl, John
Fairhall 85 Acres & "'25 Acres Provision Ground"
Jan 14 1804 Patent Office Registration No 34 22 Acres granted by
Governor BentrickBentrick, Henry William, Governor barred (N)North & (E)East & (SE)Southeast by (J.)James B. GordonGordon, James B., Mr. Galley,
J. The Fountain
Oct 20 1790 FairbairnFairbairn, Thomas to B. GordonGordon, James B. letter Extract
11.3.1.
Note: a letter
"I have bought Taylors Estate which will be like yours very
compleat and equal to 250 yds vid. The enclosed Plan. There is
81 Acres of land which is all cane land best service I have
had it measured is 105 Acres-63 Negroes Creoles 9 Oxen
building upon it is 38 Acres plant Canes & 26 Rattoons. N
will make this year 80 to 90 excellent Sugar. N is
subject to annuities of 360 per annum. Last 7000 ds"
Jan 14 1804 NB At the same date 13 Acres of Crown land granted
to Fairbain in 1815 Mr. Kop seized & holed them but
gave them up again- See RobertsonRobertson, Richard's letters
? Mr Livingston
Debuque says Mr. (F.)Farquhard CampbellCampbell, Farquhard gave his the 22nd up to him
after Fairbain died 1808 & that he has a patent from Mr
W. Young The land 1.2.13 purchased 1810 of him was part
193. (J.)James B GordonGordon, James B. buys 45 Acres of (Eliz.)Elizabeth Taylor. The bounds
11.4.
[Page]

of which are "all that Lot or parcel situated in Parish
of St. George in (St.)Saint Vincent. 45 Acres more or less are abutted and
bounded as follows (NE)Northeast by high ridge divide of Yawbon
from Warrawaron (SW)Southwest by land laid out for the
heirs of Tharis a Charaib (SE)Southeast by impracticable lands
(NW)Northwest by land laid out for J. Hyde ? & (S)South by land parceled
for GordonGordon, James B. otherwise said but ?
which was 26 Feb 1744 granted to TB Taylor.
Elizabeth Taylor now Chief.
D7 Was Tharison the Charaib The predecessor of Debuque
a No. For both of their names are on the Diagram at the
same time.
N.B. The Diagram of grant of 45 Acres to T&E Taylor in 1781
is No 30-p43 in Patent Office at ?
Patent Land was 44 Acres. P 191 Registrar ?
*For record office deed 'land belonging to Joseph Debuque were also
mentioned in one part.
Debuques land collected from the Registrar Office
1773 June 2 Commission B ? is dated
1775 May 30 They inform Debuque in 20 Acres & 2 Acres bounded
according to Diagram which I cannot find.
Same date Debuque sells for 100 pound the 20 Acres but not the 121
to Mackie & Townson at the head of Warrawaron & in 1784
Mackie makes it over to Townson. All the rest of Mackie
& Townson's now makes the Beldair Property
Dr. Brown's.
[Page]
11.5. No. 34, No. 35

Hastily Copied in Magistrate Office from the Diagram books
March 9 1825
[Page]
11.6. Occupancy granted to Thomas Fairbairn

Occupancy granted to Thomas FairbairnFairbairn, Thomas
Ten Chains to an Inch
Saint Vincent January 14 1805
This Diagram represents Twenty two Acres of Land
surveyed for Thomas FairbairnFairbairn, Thomas Esq. by an order from His
Excellency Henry (Wm.)William BentrickBentrick, Henry William, Governor Esq. Captain General
and Governor in chief in and over the Island of Saint
Vincent and its dependencies &c bounded North and East
by Lands of James B. GordonGordon, James B. Esq. on the South by the Fountain
Est. and on the West by a Gully.
Signed Thomas Dickson Dickson, Thomas
Crown and Colony Surveyor
A true Copy taken from the Patent Office
Recorded 17 March 1826 John JohnsonJohnson, John
11.7.
[Page]

Diagram of Twenty two Acres
of Land in Saint Vincent
granted to (Thos.)Thomas FairbairnFairbairn, Thomas
14 January 1805.
[Page]
11.8. Occupancy granted to Thomas Fairbairn

Occupancy granted to Thomas FairbairnFairbairn, Thomas
Ten Chains to an Inch
Saint Vincent January 14 1805
This Diagram represents Twenty two Acres of Land
surveyed for Thomas FairbairnFairbairn, Thomas Esq. by an order from His
Excellency Henry (Wm.)William BentrickBentrick, Henry William, Governor Esq. Captain General
and Governor in chief in and over the Island of Saint
Vincent and its dependencies &c bounded North and East
by Lands of James B. GordonGordon, James B. Esq. on the South by the Fountain
Est. and on the West by a Gully.
Signed Thomas Dickson Dickson, Thomas
Crown and Colony Surveyor
A true Copy taken from the Patent Office
Recorded 17 March 1826 John JohnsonJohnson, John
11.9.
[Page]

Diagram of Twenty two Acres
of Land in Saint Vincent
granted to (Thos.)Thomas FairbairnFairbairn, Thomas
14 January 1805.
11.10.
[Page]

The Honorable Farquhard CampbellCampbell, Farquhard for Fairhall Estate
1810. ? J Debuque
Petition to 1.2.13 of Land ?
March 1 1813
11.12.
[Page]

(Farq.)Farquhard CampbellCampbell, Farquhard To Rosc. Debuque Dr.
1812. To one acre two Roods & thirteen perches of land. t. ,. d
@ t23. 6.1 1/2 pr. acre {37. 1. 1 1/2
By Cash from (F.)Farquhard CampbellCampbell, Farquhard paid to Lewis Debuque
in part. t16.10
1813. March 17. By Cash to Lewis Debuque in part. 9.18 26 8 .
10.13. 4 1/2
Balance due £10.13.4 1/2
Signed Lewis Debuque X his mark
Witness
signed John Herbert
3 The quantity of Land purchased by (Honbl.)Honorable
(Farq.)Farquhard CampbellCampbell, Farquhard Esq of R Hnd[?] Debuque is One acre, two
Roods & thirteen perches
Signed Joseph Billinghurst (C.C.S.)Crown and Croft Surveyor
Sept 1810
For Fairhall Estate.
[Page]
11.13. Provision Ground of Fairbain Estate
The above Diagram represents Figure and Situation [gap] one acre, two Roods and thirteen perches, in Warrawarron Valley, being part of the Land formerly Debuques, sold by Gennevive and Rose Debuque to The Honorable Farquhar Campbell for Fair Hall. Joseph BillinghurstBillinghurst, Joseph. Crown and Croft Surveyoer, May 1813.
[Page]
11.14. The Estate of James B. Gordon Esq.